RESIST FASCIST TERROR IN WB BY TMC-MAOIST-POLICE-MEDIA NEXUS

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Thursday, December 30, 2010

EDUCATIONISTS ON CAMPUS VIOLENCE IN WEST BENGAL BY GOONS OF MAMATA BANERJEE

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JADAVPUR UNIVERSITY: A TRIBUTE TO DR. GOPAL SEN WHO WAS BRUTALLY MURDERED BY BUTCHERS OF CONGRESS-NAXALITE NEXUS IN 1970

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P. CHIDAMBRAM APPEASES MAMATA BANERJEE TO DEFEND MAOIST BUTCHERS, RAPISTS, DACOITS AND EXTORTIONIST UNDER POLITICAL COMPULSION

D.O. No. 119-CM

December 28, 2010

Dear Shri Chidambram,

Kindly refer to your secret letter dated 21/22 December, 2010 which had been published in the media before it reached my office on 27.12.2010 at 11 A.M.

Your assessment of the situation in the State of West Bengal is surprising and is far from an impartial overview of the situation. Maoists have spread from across the bordering states and with the help of small section of local people are creating problems mostly in 28 police stations in three districts of West Bengal. They are trying to create their own areas of dominance. They are indiscriminately killing political opponents and even innocent people. They are attacking police stations, police camps and looting arms. They are also engaged in large scale extortions and other unlawful activities.

You are fully aware of these activities of the Maoists. The greatest challenge is how to contain the Maoists and defeat them finally both administratively and politically.

In recent times State and Central Police through their joint efforts have achieved major successes. Peace and normalcy have been restored in vast areas. People who were evicted earlier are going back to their homes. Govt/Panchayat office are functioning normally and so are the schools, markets and shops. Life is gradually coming back to normalcy in these areas but still we have problem in the areas bordering our state. Trinamool Congress which was earlier maintaining secret contacts with Maoist leaders and outfits are now openly organising meetings with them.

CPI (M) and it allies are trying their best to resist the Maoists by mobilizing people against them and in the process have lost more than 170 of their workers and leaders. Unfortunately, you are now blaming them for the present state of affairs. I am afraid it will divert the attention of all concerned who are struggling against Maoists, the greatest threat to our internal security.

As regards political clashes mentioned in your letter I would like to correct your figures. 32 Trinamool Congress supporters have been killed and 601 have suffered injuries while CPI (M) have lost 69 of their cadres and another 723 have been injured. Indian National Congress has lost one of their supporters and 111 have been injured during the period mentioned in your letter. I, however, agree that it is not a happy situation and I am doing my best to stop these senseless killings. I have repeatedly appealed to all the opposition parties to cooperate. All the parties except Trinamool Congress have come forward to cooperate. Trinamool Congress has refused to talk to administration. I am trying to disarm and demoblise all armed groups engaged in violence in some pockets of the state.

I strongly object to your using the word “Harmed” to mean the CPI (M) party workers without knowing the actual meaning of this nasty word coined by Trinamool Congress leaders.

More when we meet.

With regards,

Yours sincerely,

Sd/-

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee

Shri P. Chidambram

Union Home Minister

New Delhi-110 001

Wednesday, December 29, 2010

MALBAZAR, JALPAIGURI: BAJUBAN RIYAN, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, INAUGURATES WEST BENGAL STATE TRIBAL CONVENTION AT MALBAZAR



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BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE SENDS REPLY TO P. CHIDAMBRAM WIITHIN 24 HOURS

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LEADERS OF STUDENTS FEDERATION OF INDIA MEET MOTHER OF SAHEED SWAPN KOLAY AT ANDUL, HOWRAH

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LAND ACQUISITION ACT, 1894: PARIMAL BANDYOPADHYAY, EX.JUDGE, WB LAND REFORMS & TENANCY TRIBUNAL PRESENTS A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF VARIOUS PROVISIONS

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P. CHIDAMBRAM ACTS AS PER REPORTS OF MAMATA-MAOIST NEXUS INSTEAD THAT OF HOME MINISTRY TO APPEASE MAMATA & MAOIST BUTCHERS


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BIMAN BOSE, LEFT FRONT CHAIRMAN, CRITICIZES P. CHIDAMBRAM FOR DISTORTING FACTS AND FIGURES TO DEFEND MAOIST BUTCHERS


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SALT LAKE CITY: SON OF TMC COUNCILLOR ARRESTED FOR MOLESTING A GIRL


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Sunday, December 26, 2010

PRABHAT PATNAIK ON GROWTH AND IMPOVERISHMENT


NOT a day passes without some official spokesman or the other recounting India’s high growth performance and promising to better it in future. The rate of growth of gross domestic product has got elevated to being the sole criterion for judging the country’s economic achievement. True, large masses are still afflicted by poverty, malnutrition and abysmal living conditions, but that, the official argument states, is only because the fruits of this growth have been unevenly distributed; if the rate of growth is further increased, and if a better spread of its beneficial effects is ensured, then these problems will disappear. About the beneficial effects of GDP growth, however, they scarcely have any doubt.

WRONG PERCEPTION

This perception which has many adherents is plain wrong. There can be alternative ways of achieving economic growth, and the social impact of growth depends upon how it is achieved. The growth process currently underway in the Indian economy, which is rooted in India’s neo-liberal policy dispensation, is necessarily of a kind that impoverishes in absolute terms the bulk of the working population. Its celebration is unwarranted. An acceleration in the rate of this growth, as long as its nature remains unchanged, will only further increase the degree of absolute impoverishment. And, given the nature of the current growth process, ie, within the overall ambit of neo-liberalism, efforts to make this growth “inclusive” through various measures of “social protection”, such as the NREGS, will be necessarily limited, transitory, and, at best, restrictive of the pace of absolute impoverishment without reversing it.

I am not resorting to hyperbole. The empirical evidence for absolute impoverishment in the recent period of high growth is overwhelming; and the reason for it is also fairly straightforward. Let us look at the evidence first. The official criterion for the identification of poverty (until it was changed recently after the Tendulkar Committee report) has been the intake of 2400 calories or less per person per day in rural India and 2100 calories or less in urban India. By this criterion, poverty has certainly increased: direct measurement of calorie intake suggests that 74.5 per cent of the rural population was “poor” in 1993-4, and 87 per cent in 2004-5; the corresponding figures were 56 per cent and 63 per cent respectively for the urban population. (These figures, based on NSS data, are from Utsa Patnaik, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 28-Feb 4, 2010, and their veracity cannot be questioned).

Foodgrain absorption figures confirm this conclusion. Per capita foodgrain absorption (defined as net output minus net exports minus net increase in stocks) which, in round figures, was 200 kilograms per annum in “British India” at the beginning of the twentieth century declined drastically to less than 150 kilograms by the time of independence. Strenuous efforts by successive governments in independent India raised it to 180 kilograms by the end of the eighties; but there has been a decline thereafter, marginal at first but precipitous after the late nineties, so much so that per capita foodgrain absorption in 2008, at 154 kilograms by FAO estimates, was lower than in any year after 1953. The period of high growth is precisely the one associated with reduction in foodgrain absorption, and hence with significant absolute impoverishment.

Two arguments are typically advanced against the identification of reduced foodgrain intake with increased poverty. The first states that there tends to be a diversification of consumption away from foodgrains as incomes increase, so that reduced foodgrain intake signifies, contrary to my claim, a qualitative improvement in the consumption basket, and hence in living standards.

This argument however is wrong. With increased incomes, the direct consumption of foodgrains may go down, but the indirect consumption of foodgrains, as processed food (such as cornflakes) or as feedgrains for animal products (such as mutton, pork, chicken etc) goes up; as a result the total absorption of foodgrain per capita, direct and indirect taken together, increases. In the US for example the per capita total absorption, direct plus indirect, of foodgrains is 900 kilograms per annum compared to India’s 154 kilograms. In fact, comparison across countries shows that almost 55 per cent of the observed difference in per capita total foodgrain absorption is “explained” (statistically) by per capita real income difference. Hence reduced foodgrain absorption is indicative of large-scale absolute impoverishment.

The second argument states that the reason for reduced foodgrain intake even among lower income groups is larger expenditure on other things, in particular healthcare; and this is indicative of changing “tastes”, associated with an improved quality of life, and hence economic betterment.

The fallacy of this argument lies in its underlying assumption that anyone, even a poor man, compares at the margin the satisfaction to be derived from consuming more food with that from taking his child to the hospital when the child is ill. This assumption is wrong. In most people’s perception the latter has absolute priority. Since this perception could not have emerged suddenly over the last decade, when per capita foodgrain absorption declined precipitously, the cause for this decline is likely to be a rise in healthcare costs over this period.

Such a rise has certainly been a feature of the neo-liberal era, owing to increasing drug prices and privatisation of healthcare. Hence, the fact that expenditure on healthcare has gone up even at the expense of food intake in the last decade, can only be indicative of impoverishment, rather than of an improved quality of life.

DECLINING PURCHASING POWER

The basic reason for this impoverishment is reduced purchasing power in real terms in the hands of the bulk of the working population, which in turn is due to two phenomena. First, the growth process has been accompanied by what Marx had called a process of “primitive accumulation of capital”, whereby vast numbers of peasants, petty producers like fishermen and craftsmen, marginal groups like the tribal population, suffer either outright dispossession or a squeeze on their real incomes, for the benefit of large capitalists, speculators and the financial interests.

Big retail chains come up to displace petty traders; agribusiness comes in to squeeze the peasantry; land grabbing financiers come in to displace peasants from their land for real estate and spurious infrastructure projects; tribal people are evicted to make room for mining projects; and petty producers of all descriptions everywhere get trapped between rising input prices caused by the withdrawal of State subsidies and declining output prices caused by the withdrawal of State protection from world commodity price trends. When we add to all this the rise in the cost of living, because of the privatisation of education, health and several essential services, which affects the entire working population, we can gauge the virulence of the primitive accumation that is unleashed.

This process of primitive accumulation is at the same time unaccompanied by any significant increase in the employment of wage workers (as distinct from white collar professionals) in the capitalist sector. This is because of the rapid rate of technological and structural change that a changing demand pattern, owing to rising income disparities, generates in a “liberalised” economy. Hence the victims of primitive accumulation cannot get absorbed as wage-workers under capitalism. They either join the reserve army of labour, or linger on in their old occupations, taking a cut in their real incomes in both cases. Besides, this very fact of a swelling labour reserve also keeps the wages of employed workers low, even as labour productivity rises, contributing further to the growing income disparities.

Any acceleration of growth simply reproduces the problem on an even larger scale. The displacement of tribals and peasants occurs on an even larger scale, the expropriation of petty producers occurs to an even greater extent, while the rate of growth of labour productivity in the organised capitalist sector increases with increased growth rate, keeping labour absorption into this sector as constricted as ever. The view that with a higher growth rate poverty will be eradicated remains a chimera; poverty on the contrary only increases with the growth rate.

And the constraint on public expenditure, typical of neo-liberal economies, where tax concessions reduce revenue and “fiscal responsibility” legislation curbs government borrowing, ensures that “social protection” measures remain both anaemic and amenable to sudden, arbitrary and sporadic cuts. Growth under the neo-liberal dispensation therefore, far from being a condition for the amelioration of poverty, becomes an instrument for the impoverishment of large segments of the working population.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org/


DIAL 'M' FOR MURDER


By Subhanil

Sat, 2010-12-18 11:55

Swapan Koley used to get up at 4am in the morning to collect his share of newspapers which he distributed to various households. This was his source of earning to continue his studies in the college. He also had a dream. A dream of changing the world where all students like him will be guaranteed the benefit of education, where man will not oppress man for higher and higher profits. It is this dream that the murderers of Trinamool Chhatra Parishad (TMCP) wanted to destroy when they brutally killed Swapan Koley on 16th December.

He was beaten with rods and swords in his college. When he took shelter on the roof of a house near his college, he was thrown down from this roof. When he was trying to reach hospital on a rickshaw with the help of his friends, he was attacked again by the TMCP goons. Swapan Koley could not take it any more and died. His only crime was that he was an activist of SFI.

Shouvik Hazra is a bright student of English Honours at Asutosh College, Kolkata. Like any other day he went to college on 16th December. On that day, the SFI along with the non-teaching and teaching staff of the college were participating in a procession protesting against the violence unleashed by TMCP. The procession was attacked by the TMCP goons and Shouvik Hazra lost his left eye when a stone hit his eye.

This scale of violence unleashed in educational institutions is being orchestrated by the TMCP under the direct instigation of Ms. Mamata Banerjee and her cohorts to terrorize the youth and students who fight for a left cause and dream about making a better society. This is however not something very surprising. Ultimately the modus operandi of the Trinamool since its inception has been a politics of provocation and violence with which they have mobilized a large section of the anti-socials under their banner. It is this politics that has killed Swapan Koley and has blinded Shouvik Hazra.

Skirmishes and stray incidents of violence has been a part of student politics all over India. It is also a common sight that the students who were fighting yesterday joke about the incident the next day over a cup of tea or coffee. What Mamata Banerjee has done through her brand of politics is to shred away the romanticism of student politics, the passionate appeal for one's ideology and politics, the liberal space of debates and discussions in college campuses. Instead with her brand of politics student politics has been hijacked by local goons and thugs, campuses are being turned into graveyards of students, politics is being turned into an arena where students will not dare to tread. In other words, Ms. Banerjee and her goons want to destroy the culture of politics within students. This is not mere speculation. The President of TMCP said that they believe that there should be no politics in campuses, in a program in the Bengali News Channel Star Ananda. This is the real agenda of the violent attacks on the student community in West Bengal. It is the compulsion of Ms Banerjee to pursue this agenda since devoid of any constructive politics she is the first person to know that thinking students can never be part of the TMCP. This agenda is being driven with full speed keeping in mind the forthcoming Assembly Elections in West Bengal.

The criminal activities of the TMCP in the college campuses is nothing but an echo of the larger murderous game plan of the Trinamool. Their leaders openly proclaim that if they win the Assembly Elections in West Bengal, they will drive out all the left supporters and will uproot the children of Lenin! It is their vision that in West Bengal they will not allow the red flag to fly with brute force. In their pronouncements we are clearly hearing the footsteps of fascistic politics.

What she and her followers have forgotten is a simple truth that dreams cannot be murdered, ideas cannot be suppressed and the left ideology cannot be physically exterminated. Swapan Koley's cold blooded murder is an assault on the idea of free speech, of the right to dream and think differently. With his murder however many more Swapan Koley will be born ready to carry forward the red flag and the ideology of Independence, Democracy and Socialism.

While the people of West Bengal were trying to grapple with the death of a student, news came from Purulia that 7 Forward Bloc workers have been brutally murdered by the Maoists. This is the first time that such a big number of killings of political activists has taken place in West Bengal. Moreover, most of the activists were tribals, whom the Maoists claim to fight for. Gopeshwar Mahato, aged 70 was not spared by the Maoists. The Maoists also did not spare Ms. Chopola Gorait, a wife of a rickshaw puller and head of a panchayat. All these people were poor and supported the Left Front in West Bengal because of which they were brutally killed by the Maoists. The so-called revolution that the Maoists want to bring in India is basically a charade. What they are doing in West Bengal today is acting as mercenaries of the Trinamool. That is why Ms. Banerjee till date has not condemned any murder that the Maoists have committed in West Bengal.

The current situation prevalent in
West Bengal is one of intense attack against the CPI (M) and the Left Front, which is reminiscent of the semi-fascist terror of the 1970s. In this situation the party must ensure that all sections of the population are mobilized against the fascistic tactics of the Trinamool-Maoist combine. Already in the jungle-mahal area we have witnessed how thousands of people mobilized themselves and ensured that Maoists are sent on the back-foot. The heroic struggle of the people of jungle-mahal should inspire people across West Bengal to rise up in unison against the violence unleashed by the goons of Ms. Banerjee.

Courtesy: D.Mukherjee

Source: PRAGOTI

LETTER FROM P.CHIDAMBRAM: MAMATA-MAOIST-SUCI-MEDIA NEXUS GETS CIRULATED MANUFACTURED NON-EXISTANT LETTER ADDRESSED TO BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE

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Saturday, December 25, 2010

AGARTALA, TRIPURA: TRIPURA URBAN BODIES LEFT FRONT GETS MASSIVE MANDATE

THE urban people of Tripura have once again massively reposed their trust in the Left Front government in the civic election held on December 11. The results of the Agartala Municipal Council and 15 Nagar Panchayats (NPs) were declared on December 14 amid festivity of the Left Front supporters throughout the state.

Out of the 35 seats in the Agartala Municipal Council (AMC), the Left Front won 28 seats and the Congress 8. Of the 15 Nagar Panchayats, the Left Front got a majority in 13 and the Congress in 2, viz. Subroom and Ambassa. In all, the Left Front bagged 187 seats (81 per cent) out of the total of 230 seats in AMC and NPs and the rest 43 (19 per cent) went to the Congress. In 5 of the NPs, namely Khowai, Ranirbazar, Sonamura, Santirbazar and Belonia, the Congress drew a blank, as all the seats were bagged by Left Front. The number of seats won by the parties has been shown in the accompanying table.

Of the 187 seats won by the Left Front, the CPI (M) won 180, CPI 4, AIFB 2 and RSP 1.

Congratulating the electorate for this verdict, CPI (M) state secretary Bijan Dhar, in a press conference on December 14 evening, said it was a positive mandate from the urban people in favour of peace, progress and development accomplished by the Left Front government. At the same time, Dhar stressed that it was an expression of vehement protest against the anti-people policies pursued by the UPA-2 government at the centre. This mandate would no doubt give a fillip to the protest movement throughout the state, he said confidently.

Bijan Dhar also greeted the voters who voted in favour of the Left Front in Ambassa and Subroom Nagar Panchayats where the front suffered defeat. The CPI (M) would review the reasons behind this loss and take corrective measures, he informed.

Utilising its ruler at the centre, the opposition Congress party tried to mislead the people and resorted to distasteful individual slandering and misinformation during its campaign. The people, however, did not accept its perversion.

Chief minister Manik Sarkar also greeted the people, the election authority, the election workers and police personnel for ensuring the peaceful, free and fare conduct of the election where more than 90 per cent of the voters exercised their franchise. This indicates the high democratic consciousness of the people, the chief minister said.

TRIPURA URBAN BODIES: POLL RESULTS

Name of MC/NPs

Total No of seat

Left Front

Congress

Agartala Municipal Council

35

27

8

Dharmanagar N/P

19

12

7

Kailashahar

15

14

1

Kumarghat

11

10

1

Ambassa

11

4

7

Kamalpur

11

8

3

Khowai

15

15

0

Teliamura

15

14

1

Ranirbazar

11

11

0

Bishalgarh

13

8

5

Sonamura

11

11

0

Udaipur

19

16

3

Amarpur

11

9

2

Santirbazar

11

11

0

Belonia

13

13

0

Subroom

9

4

5

Total

230

187

43

Source: www.pd.cpim.org/

PRAKASH KARAT - THE SPECTRUM OF BIG BUSINESS AND POLITICS


THE winter session of parliament concluded without any business being conducted. The reason for this is the obstinate refusal of the UPA government to constitute a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to enquire into the 2G Spectrum affair with all its ramifications.

The Comptroller and Auditor General’s (CAG’s) report has estimated a loss of Rs 1.76 lakh crore to the exchequer due to the way licences and spectrums were allotted by the telecom ministry under A Raja. This makes it the biggest corruption scandal involving the government since independence. Yet, the Congress leadership and the UPA government are not prepared to let parliament constitute a special enquiry committee into the matter.

THE ROT IS SYSTEMIC

The Congress led government has been struck by a series of corruption scandals in the past few months. The corruption associated with the Commonwealth Games (CWG) is equally startling. Yet the government seeks to minimise it by only focussing on the malpractices concerning the Organising Committee, which is only a small part of the misappropriation of public funds. The Adarsh housing scandal in Mumbai and the corruption associated with the export of rice to certain African countries during the first term of the UPA government are only some of the other examples of high level corruption.

It will be mistaken to view this spate of corruption as just a manifestation of the venality of certain politicians, or of some corporate or the other. The rot goes much deeper and it is systemic. Such corruption in high places is not a new phenomenon. It has been growing exponentially since the 1990s when liberalisation took off. Commenting on the nature of corruption in the era of liberalisation, I had written the following in People’s Democracy in March 2001:

“What is the difference between the nature of corruption before and after liberalisation? In the pre-liberalisation era, particularly till the mid-80s, the source of corruption at high levels stemmed from big business bribing to seek favours either for licences or for bypassing certain regulations. Such instances of corruption involved a particular big business house and the minister or officials concerned with a specific project or regulation. Now with liberalisation and deregulation, the entire policy itself is put up for sale. Both foreign and Indian big business houses are free to make the highest bid for policies for an entire industry. Such policies can be changed overnight, if the price is right. This has happened most blatantly in the case of the telecom sector and is continuing with the liberalised policies in the power, oil and other major sectors. In fact, every policy decision, or change in policy, in most of these sectors are being made based on the money which is handed out by the consortium of Indian big business and MNCs. Whole institutions and state agencies are suborned by big capital. India is fast reaching the level of Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia --- all countries which see the free play of MNCs and crony capitalism.”

The nexus of big business-politicians-bureaucrats emerged as a by-product of the neo-liberal regime. The first wave of corruption scandals came during the period of the Narasimha Rao government. The hawala scandal which involved top politicians of the bourgeois parties, the bank securities scam, the PSU disinvestment swindle, the petrol pump scam and others followed one after the other.

The telecom, mining and oil exploration policies were designed to benefit certain big business houses and select corporates. State policy has brazenly become an instrument in the process of accumulation of capital.

MAIDENS OF NEO-LIBERAL ORDER

The Congress party is steeped in this corrupt nexus with big business. Nobody remembers that the chargesheet filed by the CBI in the JMM bribery case during the no-confidence motion moved in the Lok Sabha in August 1993 had listed the bribes handed over to the minister for petroleum, Satish Sharma, by the big business houses like the Ambanis, Essar, Videocon and others. Of course, all the accused were acquitted in the case eventually.

The BJP did not have much of a different record when it was in power. The favouritism to big business companies shown in the disinvestment policies of public sector companies, the telecom sector, the sale of petrol pumps and gas agencies and the corruption associated with defence deals were of the same pattern. The BJP, more recently, set a new record by inducting the Bellary mining mafia into the government in Karnataka. The Yeduyarrappa government has become a byword for the land grab by the family members and relatives of the chief minister and other ministers.

For the bourgeoisie, it is convenient for corruption to be portrayed as a breach of ethical values and to treat it as a moral question. It is detached from its systemic roots. This is to camouflage the fact that crony capitalism and corruption are the twin hand maidens of the neo-liberal order.

The Radia tapes have graphically brought out the symbiotic relations between big business and the government. The cosy relationship between some editors and journalists and the agents of big business may have come as a shock to the middle classes, but it has come as no surprise for the Left which is systematically vilified by the corporate media. The bulk of the media, which is itself part of the corporate structure, is wilfully ignoring the fact how governments committed to the neo-liberal order function. Whether Dayanidhi Maran or A Raja should become the minister for telecom becomes an issue for rival corporates to intervene and influence. Even if no choice is made on this basis, the performance of the minister will be judged by how amenable he is to the interests of big business. One has only to recall how Manishankar Aiyer was replaced as the minister for petroleum & natural gas by Murli Deora in the first term of the UPA government.

NEED TO FIGHT MONEY POWER IN POLITICS

The recent revelations have confirmed the hard truth. The prime minister presides over a cabinet in which some are advocates of certain business interests and some are businessmen themselves. A few are lawyers who have represented the very corporates with whom they have to deal with in the portfolios they look after. It is illegal money generated by the corrupt big business-politician-bureaucrat nexus that is flowing into the political system and perverting politics and democracy. There is a direct link between this corruption and the illegal money which is being used on a large scale in elections.

Fighting corruption, therefore, requires attacking the root of this evil which is the corrupt nexus. In the case of the 2G spectrum affair, not only the minister and the guilty officials but the corporates who suborned and bribed them should be brought to book and punished. The manner in which Kapil Sibal, who has taken charge of the telecom portfolio, is going about the matter raises suspicions that only some token actions would be taken. What is the need for an internal enquiry committee when already notice has been issued to 85 companies asking why their licences should not be cancelled? Why is the minister not categorical about declaring that licences will be cancelled of all those companies that have adopted illegal means? Why is the minister stating that auction of the spectrum may not be the best way forward?

In all this we are seeing the now familiar pattern --- a smokescreen to see that the main culprits, i.e. corporates, are let off the hook. The real reason why the government does not want a joint parliamentary committee is because such an enquiry will show how the entire system has been manipulated by the nexus which gets policies formulated and implemented for their benefit. The Political Resolution adopted by the Extended Meeting of the Central Committee had taken serious note of the dangerous phenomenon of the nexus between big business and politics. The Political Resolution said that “The party has to conduct a broad-based campaign against the influx of money power in politics and in elections, the growing subversion of public policy making by big business money power and expose those bourgeois parties which are utilising such methods.”

The fight against corruption and the neo-liberal policies that spawns them in a big way are interlinked. This has to be taken up in right earnest by all the Left and democratic forces.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org/