RESIST FASCIST TERROR IN WB BY TMC-MAOIST-POLICE-MEDIA NEXUS

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Thursday, April 29, 2010

INSANE MAOIST-TMC WARRIORS OF ARUNDHATI ROY, MEDHA PATKAR & MAHASWETA DEVI RAPE AND MURDER TEEN AGER. THESE TRIO SUPPORT THEM BY KEEPING SILENCE

22-01-2010

A teenager from a CPM supporter’s family has been raped and murdered in Nandigram.

The dead body of Dipanwita Jana was found floating on the Haldi river this afternoon.

She was a first year geography (Honours) student at local Sitananda College.

She was missing since she left home for a private tuition on Monday morning.

She was a resident of Balarampur, 7km from Nandigram.

The teen’s uncle who had contested for a seat in the Nandigram 2 Panchayat Samity in 2008, lodged a complaint in the evening alleging that the girl had been raped and murdered.

A police officer said the decomposed body had multiple injuries. “Preliminary investigations suggest rape and murder”.

East Midnapur’s district Secretariat member Ashok Guria, alleged Trinamul’s hand in the murder.

Courtesy:
file://localhost/E:/TEEN%20FOUND%20DEAD%20AT%20NANDIGRAM%20%20Haldia%20Live.htm

LEFT FRONT CANDIDATES IN FOUR MUNICIPALITIES OF BURDWAN DISTRICT SUBMIT THEIR NOMINATION PAPERS ON 29-04-2010

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LEFT FRONT CHAIRMAN BIMAN BOSE SEEKS THE SUPPORT OF COMMON PEOPLE IN THE MUNICIPAL ELECTION-2010 IN WEST BENGAL


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SUCCESSFUL COUNTRYWIDE GENERAL STRIKE IN INDIA

THE CPI (M) HAS ISSUED THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT ON 27-04-2010


The call given by the thirteen parties for a countrywide hartal against price rise on April 27 has met with a big response in most parts of the country.

The thirteen parties call was joined by other parties in the states.

The success of the hartal shows the anger and discontent among the people at the failure of the Central Government to check price rise.

There was a complete hartal in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Assam, Orissa, Kerala and Tripura. In Andhra Pradesh, there was a successful bandh all over the state with the strike being partial in Hyderabad. In Tamilnadu too there was a hartal all over the state with Chennai having a partial strike.

In West Bengal, there was a total stoppage of work and movement of traffic. In Uttar Pradesh, in all cities and towns markets were closed and rail and road traffic were affected in many places. In Bihar there was a total hartal in all the districts. Rail and road traffic was disrupted due to rail and rasta roko. Markets, commercial establishments and educational institutions remained closed.

In Jharkhand, markets were closed and rail and road traffic came to a halt. Several state government offices remained closed.

In Orissa, all central government offices, central public sector undertakings, banks, railways were paralysed. State government offices in many districts were also closed. Road and railway traffic was paralysed.

In Kerala, all shops and commercial establishments remained closed. Road and rail traffic were paralysed. In major cities and towns LDF workers held demonstrations in support of the hartal.

In Tripura, there was a complete strike with all offices, markets and educational institutions being closed. All vehicular traffic also came to a halt.

In Maharashtra, all the districts observed rasta roko and rail roko for various periods. In Karnataka, more than 50,000 people protested against price rise in Bangaluru and the strike was a success in other districts. In Madhya Pradesh, there was hartal in Gwalior, Morena, Shivni, Bind, Rewa, Singroli and Indore.

In Himachal Pradesh, markets remained closed in Shimla and rasta roko was observed in various parts of the state.

In Chattisgarh, there was hartal in the state capital Raipur. Shops, commercial establishments, hotels and the main markets remained closed. In many parts of the state rasta roko and rail roko was also observed.

In Punjab, there was rasta roko in twenty places in the state. In Haryana, in all towns, there was hartal with markets remaining closed.

In Delhi, there was a strike in many industrial areas by the workers. There was rasta roko and picketing in 25 spots in the city, Ghaziabad, and Noida
Source: www.cpim.org

Wednesday, April 28, 2010

BIG RESPONSE TO STRIKE CALL: LEFT PARTIES

Special Correspondent


NEW DELHI: The Left parties on Tuesday said the nationwide strike call against price rise had met with a big response in most parts of the country and reflected the anger and discontent among the people at the failure of the Manmohan Singh government on this front.

The 12-hour strike was called by 13 non-UPA, non-NDA parties as a mark of solidarity with the people. MPs belonging to the parties held a protest outside the main entrance of Parliament and later stalled proceedings in both Houses.

Congratulating the people who responded to the call, the Communist Party of India said it was a vivid example of the common man's indignation and discontent.

The strike owed its success to the united action of those who made it their common cause.

In a statement, the party Central Secretariat said the UPA government should take the public mood into account and take the necessary steps that the Left and other parties have been proposing all along.

It added that the parties would soon meet to decide the next step to force the government to act.

The All-India Forward Bloc said the people who were suffering came forward spontaneously in various parts of the country to make the strike a success.

In a statement, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) said the response was complete in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Assam, Orissa, Kerala and Tripura.

In Andhra Pradesh, the response was positive all over the State, with the strike being partial in Hyderabad.

In Tamil Nadu, there was strike all over the State, with Chennai having a partial bandh. In West Bengal, there was a total stoppage of work and movement of traffic. All cities and town markets in U.P. were closed and rail and road traffic was affected in many places.

The CPI (M) said there was a total strike in all the districts in Bihar.

Rail and road traffic was disrupted due to a rail and road blockade.

Markets, commercial establishments and educational institutions remained closed.

In Jharkhand, markets were closed and rail and road traffic came to a halt. Several State government offices remained closed.

Courtesy: www.thehindu.com (The Hindu dated 28-04-2010)

ACTRESS APARNA SEN AND OTHER OVER-GROUND FACES REPRESENTING UNDER-GROUND PERVERTED MAOIST BUTCHERS, RAPISTS AND EXTORTIONISTS

CHENNAI - PEOPLE SQUATTING ON RAILWAY LINES IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

INDIAN PARLIAMENT - OPPOSITION AGAINST SPIRALLING PRICES ON 27-04-2010

STRONG MESSAGE: OPPOSITION LEADERS LALU PRASAD (RJD), MULAYAM SINGH (SAMAJWADI PARTY), SITARAM YECHURY (CPI-M), D. RAJA (CPI) AND THAMBI DURAI (AIADMK) WITH OTHER MPS STAGING A PROTEST AGAINST THE UPA GOVERNMENT ON THE PRICES ISSUE AT PARLIAMENT HOUSE IN NEW DELHI ON TUESDAY

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

LENIN ON MAY DAY

Early in his activity in the Russian revolutionary movement Lenin contributed to making May Day known to the Russian workers as a day of demonstration and struggle. While in prison, in 1896, Lenin wrote a May Day leaflet for the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class, one of the first Marxist political groups in Russia. The leaflet was smuggled out of prison and 2,000 mimeographed copies distributed among workers in 40 factories. It was very short and written in Lenin's characteristically simple and direct style, so that the least developed among the workers could understand it. "When a month after the famous textile strikes of 1896 broke out, workers were telling us that the first impetus was given by the little modest May Day leaflet," wrote a contemporary who helped to issue it.

After telling the workers how they are exploited for the benefit of the owners of the factories in which they work, and how the government persecutes those who demand improvement in their conditions, Lenin proceeds to write about the significance of May Day:

In France, England, Germany and other countries where workers have already been united in powerful unions and have won for themselves many rights, they organized on April 19 (May 1) [the Russian calendar was then 13 days behind the West-European] a general holiday of Labor. Leaving the stifling factories they march with unfurled banners, to the strains of music, along the main streets of the cities, demonstrating to the bosses their continuously growing power. They assemble at great mass demonstrations where speeches are made recounting the victories over the bosses during the preceding year and lay plans for struggle in the future. Under the threat of strike the bosses do not dare to fine the workers for not appearing at the factories on that day. On this day the workers also remind the bosses of their main demand: 8 hours work, 8 hours rest, and 8 hours recreation. This is what the workers of other countries are demanding now.

The Russian revolutionary movement utilized May Day to great advantage. In the preface to a pamphlet, May Days in Kharkov, published in November, 1900, Lenin wrote:

In another six months, the Russian workers will celebrate the first of May of the first year of the new century, and it is time we set to work to make the arrangements for organizing the celebrations in as large a number of centers as possible, and on as imposing a scale as possible, not only by the number that will take part in them, but also by their organized character, by the class-consciousness they will reveal, by the determination that will be shown to commence the irrepressible struggle for the political liberation of the Russian people, and, consequently, for a free opportunity for the class development of the proletariat and its open struggle for Socialism.

It can be seen how important Lenin considered the May Day demonstrations, since he called attention to them six months ahead of time. To him May Day was a rallying point for "the irrepressible struggle for the political liberation of the Russian people," for "the class development of the proletariat and its open struggle for Socialism."

Speaking of how May Day celebrations "can become great political demonstrations," Lenin asked why the Kharkov May Day celebration in 1900 was "an event of outstanding importance," and answered, "the mass participation of the workers in the strike, the huge mass meetings in the streets, the unfurling of red flags, the presentation of demands indicated in leaflets and the revolutionary character of these demands – eight-hour day and political liberty."

Lenin upbraids the Kharkov Party leaders for joining the demands for the 8-hour day with other minor and purely economic demands, for he does not want the political character of May Day in any way beclouded. He writes in this preface:

The first of these demands [8-hour day] is the general demand put forward by the proletariat in all countries. The fact that this demand was put forward indicates that the advanced workers of Kharkov realize their solidarity with the international Socialist labor movement. But precisely for this reason a demand like this should not have been included among minor demands like better treatment by foremen, or a ten per cent increase in wages. The demand for an eight-hour day, however, is the demand of the whole proletariat, presented, not to individual employers, but to the government as the representative of the whole of the present-day social and political system, to the capitalist class as a whole, the owners of all the means of production.

SOURCE: ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG - MAY DAY ARCHIVE

Sunday, April 25, 2010

TWO CPI (M) LEADERS KILLED BY MAOISTS IN WEST BENGAL AT NIGHT OF 24-04-2010

A police officer said the body of Parmeshwar Murmu was found near his house in the Ranibandh Police station area in Bankura district.


Mr. Murmu, a member of CPI (M)’s Jamagoria local committee, was abducted by a group of armed Maoists Saturday night from his house.


The body of another CPI (M) leader Sisuranjan Mahato, who was taken captive from his house at Dhangasole village of West Midnapore district Saturday night, was also found at Mirgan close to Salboni police station.


“Around 10 Maoists barged into Mr. Mahato’s house last (Saturday) night and took him away. His body, with multiple injury marks, was found four km away at Mirgan today (Sunday),” said another police officer.

LENIN - EXHIBITION ON HIS STAMPS IN KOLKATA

DESTRUCTION OF PARTY LEADER'S VEHICLE BY CONGRESS WORKERS AT MOULALI IN KOLKATA ON 24-04-2010 IN PROTEST AGAINST SEAT ADJUSTMENT WITH MAMATA BANERJEE

CPI (M) WORKER MURDERED BRUTALLY BY MAOIST BUTCHERS IN SHALBONI, WEST MIDNAPUR ON 24-04-2010

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CENTRE OF INDIAN TRADE UNIONS BRING OUT PROCESSIONS IN JALPAIGURI IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

Saturday, April 24, 2010

CPI (M) ON PHONE TAPPING


THE POLIT BUREAU OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST) HAS ISSUED THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT ON 24 APRIL 2010



The report published in the Outlook magazine about the interception of phone calls of four political leaders, including the General Secretary of the CPI (M), is a serious matter. The report shows that the government is using the intelligence and security agencies to serve its political purpose to spy upon opposition leaders and to keep track of even its own allies and party leaders.

Such acts subvert the democratic system and breeds an atmosphere of illegality in the higher echelons of the government. They cannot be tolerated.

The government must own up responsibility in the matter and take action against those who ordered the surveillance. Protecting the covert activities of the intelligence and security agencies cannot be made the pretext for a cover-up.

To ensure that such illegal acts do not recur, the government should place in Parliament a clear set of guidelines prohibiting the use of the intelligence and security agencies for any form of surveillance of political leaders and their activities. Instructions on tapping of phones and surveillance on grounds of national security or investigation of criminal activity must be codified. The intelligence and security agencies must be subject to parliamentary oversight.

Source: www.cpim.org

HAITI BECOMES ANOTHER ITHIOPIA FOR USA

HAITI UNDER OCCUPATION OF USA

DURGAPUR IN BURDWAN GETS READY FOR ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

GUSKHURA IN BURDWAN GETS PREPARED FOR ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

MASS MEETING AT RANIGANJ IN BURDWAN IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

PEOPLE OF BANKURA IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

PEOPLE OF BURDWAN IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

PEOPLE OF WEST BENGAL COME OUT ON THE STREETS IN SUPPORT OF ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKE ON 27-04-2010

TAPPING OF TELEPHONES OF PRAKASH KARAT, NITISH KUMAR, SHARAD PAWAR AND OTHER POLITICAL LEADERS BY UPA GOVERNMENT



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Friday, April 23, 2010

INNOCENT PEOPLE BUTCHERED BY MAOIST KILLERS IN CHATTHISGARH

MASSACRE OF INNOCENT PEOPLE AT KHAGARIA IN BIHAR BY MAOISTS BUTCHERS

MAOISTS BUTCHER INNOCENT PEOPLE IN NAYAGARH OF ORISSA. WHERE IS ARUNDHATI ROY, THE SAVIOR OF PERVERTED MAOIST BUTCHERS, RAPISTS AND EXTORTIONISTS ?

RECORD OF MAOIST VIOLENCE IN THE COUNTRY

MAOIST BUTCHERY OF INNOCENT PEOPLE IN JHARKHAND

MAOIST RAILWAY MINISTER WITH NAXALITE LEADER PURNENDU BOSE AND CORPORATE AGENT AMAR SINGH CHOWDHURY TO DESTABLISE WEST BENGAL

HOW ARE MUNICIPAL SERVICES IN STATES OTHER THAN WEST BENGAL ?

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BRINDA KARAT THUNDERS AT P. CHIDAMBRAM OVER HIS COMMENTS ON THE MAOIST VIOLENCE IN WEST BENGAL

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CORRECT STAND IS NEEDED TO FIGHT MAOIST VIOLENCE AND MENACE - SITARAM YECHURY

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COUNCILLOR OF CONGRESS PARTY UNDER KOLKATA MUNICIPAL CORPORATION CAUGHT RED HANDED WITHDRAWING OLD AGE PENSION OF DEAD PERSON

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AFTER DIPA DAS MUNSHI, THE NEXT TARGET IS ABA GHANI KHAN CHOWDHURY AT THE HANDS OF TMC

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PEOPLE IN RUSSIA CELEBRATE THE BIRTH DAY OF COMRADE LENIN ON 22-04-2010

Thursday, April 22, 2010

MAOISTS ARE THE NEW MINING MAFIA IN JHARKHAND

NDTV Correspondent, Tuesday April 20, 2010, Ramgarh, Ranchi
More than 7000 hundred tonnes of coal is mined illegally across mineral rich Jharkhand every year. And with most parts of the state under the grip of Naxals, it is perhaps not surprising that they have set aside their ideologies and emerged as the new mining mafia in Jharkhand. Coal from illegal mines in Jharkhand's forests is smuggled in a highly organised manner. Hundreds of couriers, paid by the mining mafia, carry out coal everyday in what is a multi-crore mining scam. Most of this mining happens in illegal mines where work happens mostly at night using light bulbs. These places are completely inaccessible due to strong Naxal presence. ''Say I earn Rs. 200 a day, I pay the Naxals Rs. 50,' says a miner breaking rocks inside a mine.

This villager bears out what the Jharkhand Police made public in a report in October 2009 - that illegal mining in Jharkhand, whether conducted by the rich mafia or the poor and desperate villagers, is entirely controlled by Naxals. They are not part of the trade, but they encourage it, protect it, and take over 25 per cent cut from it. And this extortion by the Naxals is not limited to the illegal mines alone. Just a few days ago, Naxals left posters at the Pundi open cast mines, run by the Central Coalfields limited, demanding more than 20 lakh rupees as protection money. ''Interior areas are very hostile in the state. So the question of escaping Naxal influence just does not arise,'' says Jharkhand Mines Secretary N N Sinha. There was a time when the tribals looked up to the Naxals to protect their virgin forests and mineral rich lands. Today, the Naxals themselves have become plunderers and joined hands with smugglers.

LENIN: THE LODESTAR - Prakash Karat




Thu, 2010-04-22 14:35

April 22, 2010 marks the 140th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin, the revolutionary leader who creatively developed the scientific theory set out by Marx and Engels. Lenin was the architect of the world’s first socialist State, the Soviet Union.

When we are commemorating the life and work of Lenin, we are not just paying homage to a great leader who led the world’s first socialist revolution. No other person after Marx and Engels has contributed to the development of Marxist theory as much as Lenin did. Lenin’s entire theoretical work constitutes the advancement of the concept of scientific socialism that equipped the working class movement to conduct the proletarian revolution.

Lenin took a giant step by analyzing the nature of imperialism and capitalism in the 20th century. Lenin characterized the development of monopoly capitalism as the highest stage which is imperialism. Lenin creatively developed Marx’s analysis of the capitalist system when it was the rising mode of production to the stage of imperialism. Any analysis of contemporary imperialism and world capitalism today has to have as its starting point the theory of imperialism formulated by Lenin. Without the Leninist methodology it is not possible to understand global finance capital and the finance-driven globalization that it has spawned.

It is this Leninist understanding of imperialism which led him to conclude that world capitalism will break at its weakest link from which the strategy and tactics in the socialist revolution in Russia were worked out in which the worker-peasant alliance played a key role. Parallel to this flowed the Leninist understanding of integrating the national and colonial question to the strategy and tactics of world revolution. This was a sharp break from the understanding of the prominent European Marxists. Lenin showed how the national liberation struggles in the colonies are part of the worldwide struggle against imperialism and how these forces are allies of the world proletariat struggling for socialism. The events of the 20th century leading to the success of the national liberation struggles against colonialism and imperialism and the victories of the Chinese, the Vietnamese, Korean and Cuban revolutions were intrinsically the breakthrough achieved by this Leninist strategy.

The other important contribution of Lenin was to the understanding of the State and its class character which became the basis for all the Communist Parties in their struggle against capitalism and the ruling classes. Class struggle is not the struggle on economic issues alone but achieves its full scope when it challenges the State power of the exploiting ruling classes.

Lenin will forever be associated with the revolutionary theory of organisation which he expounded. The building of the party of a new type which is equipped to lead the working class and other toiling sections is uniquely a Leninist contribution. The principle of democratic centralism based on inner-party democracy, strict discipline and criticism and self-criticism, provided the working class with their own form of organisation as against the organisational methods of the bourgeois and social democratic parties. Subsequently, every party which made the revolution has found the Leninist form and method of party organisation to be indispensable for developing the revolutionary movement. The Leninist organizational principle drew the strongest attacks of the non-communists and from those within the Left fold. But Lenin firmly held that in the fight against the bourgeois State, the proletariat has only one weapon, that is, organization. Our experience of building the Party in India under varied and diverse conditions confirms this Leninist principle.

Lenin survived as the leader of the Soviet Union for only six years after the 1917 revolution. In this period, he grappled with many of the stupendous tasks of creating a new society out of the ruins of the old. During four out of these six years, the bitter civil war raged and had to be won. From the period of War Communism to the New Economic Policy, Lenin constantly changed and adjusted policies with the single aim of facilitating the building of socialism. Lenin was conscious of the arduous and long road to socialism ahead. He said:

"The more backward the country, which, owing to the zigzags of history has proved to be the one to start the socialist revolu­tion, the more is it difficult for that country to pass from its old capitalist relations to socialist relations".

Though it is futile to speculate how the Soviet Union would have built socialism, if Lenin had lived longer, it is necessary to draw lessons from how Lenin creatively tried to hew a path to socialism in an underdeveloped country while keeping the interests of the international Communist movement in mind.

Nearly seven decades after Lenin’s death, the Soviet Union disintegrated. Since then, in the past two decades history is sought to be rewritten. The entire revolutionary content of Leninism is being negated. One set of critics who throughout had maintained that Lenin’s theoretical and political significance was confined only to Russia now went further to claim that it had proved to be a failure in Russia itself. All varieties of bourgeois philosophies and theories deny the existence of imperialism. Some of them claim that liberal capitalism is eternal. That Marxism and Leninism were the products of their times and in the postmodern era they have no relevance.

Much of the claptrap about the end of history and the eternal verities of capitalism have ended abruptly. The two years of severe global recession have once again highlighted the volatility and predatory nature of capitalism. Out of the 7 billion people in the planet, half are poor and 1.2 billion people go hungry. Imperialism continues to wage wars and plunder the resources of the planet. If they continue to do so, the world environment and life itself will be destroyed.

Marxism is the only scientific outlook and method which can provide a coherent world view and guide to action to change the iniquitous order that prevails in the world today. Just as Lenin developed the theory and practice of Marx and Engels, today Marxist theory and practice has to be developed and extended from the base that Lenin created. Lenin himself had pointed out that Marxism is not a static theory. It needs to be enriched and developed further.

"We most certainly do not look upon the theory of Marx as something permanent and immutable; on the contrary we remain convinced that it has merely laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must advance in all direc­tions if they want to keep abreast of life".

In our quest to develop the theory and practice of Marxism further, Lenin will remain the lodestar for all our endeavours.

Tuesday, April 20, 2010

WHY RAO PREFERS TO BE KNOWN AS KISHENJI

TNN, Apr 18, 2010, 04.12am IST RAIPUR:
Top leaders of the Maoists are known to assume many names to hoodwink security agencies. Most often even the footsoldier Naxal has not seen his bosses. Now, top sources, who have been tracking the Maoists for some time, have revealed to TOI that Kishenji is not the real Kishenji but a cleverly assumed moniker by Mullajola Koteshwar Rao. The name 'Kishenji' is now synonymous with Maoist guerrillas. He's apparently their leader and is either injured or lying low after leading many attacks in different states in the past couple of months. This 'Kishenji' was even ready to hold talks with Union home minister P Chidambaram on behalf of the Maoists.

As per records, Rao had other pseudonyms like Prahlad, Kiran, Ramesh and a couple of others too. However, he prefers to use Kishenji only because Rao understands the weight the name pulls in the Bengal-Jharkhand-Chhattisgarh region. In the late 60s, Prashant Bose was one of the key voices of the Maoists. A known intellectual, his aliases were Kishanji, Kishan-da, Kajal and Mahesh. Bose's idea of the Naxal movement was more ideological in nature. He also saw it as an agrarian struggle. It was the coming of the Andhra Naxals that saw violence, and not mere pressure tactics, taking centrestage. Gradually, Bose, who is now in his 60s but continues to be a politburo member of the CPI (Maoist), was sidelined. The expanding influence of the belligerent Andhraites began to eclipse the influence of the intellectual Bengalis. Rao, however, understood the power 'Kishenji' wielded and soon began using that alias. The Naxals cadres revered Kishenji, it did not matter if it was Bose or Rao.

Courtesy: NAXAL TERROR WATCH

FEATURE: RESOURCE-RICH INDIAN STATE LIVES UNDER SHADOW OF NAXAL REBELS

Saturday, April 17, 2010 10:52 PM India, Apr. 18, 2010 (Xinhua News Agency) --
With ever increasing incidents of jail break, blowing up of schools, hospitals and economic installations and brutal slaying of politicians and professionals by extreme left-wing Naxal rebels, the central Indian state of Jharkhand has added more grief to its list of woes which started ever since it attained statehood in 2001.
While the government has decided to weed out the Naxalites, who refuse to abjure violence, the on-going savagery in Jharkhand has pushed back all hopes of economic development. Even as lives and limbs continue to get affected here, Naxalism, the first enemy of the country, is busy spreading base in the state. Already Naxalites are operating in 19 of the 24 districts in Jharkhand including Garhwa, Palamau, Chatra, Hazaribagh, Girdih, Bokaro, Latehar, Lohardaga, Gumla, Simdega, East Singhbhum, West Singhbhum, Dhanbad, Seraikela-Kharsawan, Koderma, Dumka, Deogarh, Jamtara and Godda. With their sinister agenda, the rebels are increasingly penetrating bigger cities, trying to indoctrinate people and collecting funds for the movement. Some even believe that Naxals are already entrenched in the state capital Ranchi. According to state intelligence, wishing to mobilize disgruntled elements including the urban unemployed in favor of their ultimate "cause" of eventual seizure of state power, Naxalites have drawn up detailed guidelines for their urban operations. "The Naxal guerrillas, who do not even trust cell phones, have now confined their activities to propagating their ideology, setting up secret cells for frontal organizations and recruiting people. So much so that they have even tried to draw out students and trade and labor unions," Abhinav Saini, a local social activist here in Girdih, said. The Naxal violence in Jharkhand has claimed the lives of about 1,000 people so far, which includes over 200 policemen. Incidents like the recent jail-break in neighboring Chhattisgarh state where rebels attacked a jail and escaped with hundreds of their accomplice showed that the rebels are only getting bolder. "For long it has been known that our police force is not as trained, equipped and motivated as their Naxal counterparts who are increasingly growing in strength. They are better armed, organized, motivated and trained to execute their agenda," said George Massey, a volunteer who works with a non-governmental charity organization.

Apart from targetting police personnel, the rebel have also carried out major strikes against the leaders of the day. In 2007, rebels shot dead Member of Parliament (MP) Sunil Mahato as he watched a football match. "Naxalites are no longer champions of development. They have instead a vested interest in keeping poverty alive as it enables them to expand their turf," Massey states. Interestingly, a number of schools exist here but not many students seem interested in attending classes. Apparently, they place life before education. "Schools are soft targets for Naxals. We are six teachers with over 150 students. Around 500 students enrolled over the last five years but due to the fear factor, every year the number of students goes down," said Navani, head mistress in a school here. Locals here said that the doctors who treat men from the police forces are always in the hitlist of the rebels. So far the state police force has not been able to take on the might of the guerrillas. Operation Shikhar, Operation Eagle, Operation Hill Top, Operation Black Thunder and Operation X are some of the offensive measures launched by the police from time to time, but none of them has yielded any result. The state of Jharkhand is blessed with iron ore, manganese, coal, limestone, graphite, quartzite, asbestos, lead, zinc, copper, and some gold, among others. It supplies to the region electricity from thermal and hydroelectric plants. But there has always been a discrepancy between generating wealth and its application, said locals. (Source: iStockAnalyst )

Courtesy: NAXAL TERROR WATCH

CHILDREN AS YOUNG AS 10 YEARS OLD ARE BEING RECRUITED BY MAOISTS IN WEST BENGAL

18 Apr 2010, 1048 hrs IST
Children as young as 10 years old are being recruited by Maoists in West Bengal for military style induction into their cadres. TIMES NOW has accessed weapons and videos of guerilla warfare training of young boys and girls indoctrinated into the Maoist ideology. TIMES NOW spoke to villagers in Belpahari in Bihari, who confirmed the Maoists' latest recruitment policy. Said Mohammed Rafiq: "'There are many such cases in every village around here. They come and brainwash our children into their cause. Some give away their children willingly, some are taken forcibly." The Maoist terrorists, sparing none, are now preying on the most impressionable to execute their war against the establishment on the ground, luring them with tall promises of power and glory. The children are indoctrinated in the Maoist ideology, then trained in weapons and guerilla warfare.
Courtesy: NAXAL TERROR WATCH

Thursday, April 15, 2010

PEERLESS HOSPITAL, KOLKATA RANSACKED ON 13-04-2010 BY MAOIST-TMC GOONS HAVING BLESSINGS OF ARUNDHATI ROY, MAMATA BANERJEE AND MAHASWETA DEVI

AGAINST MAOIST VIOLENCE - CPI (M)

INTRODUCTION

Widespread violence by the Maoists in the recent period and their characterization as the “biggest internal security threat” by the Union Government has brought the issue of “Leftwing” extremism to the fore.

According to the Union Home Ministry, 3338 persons have died in 7806 incidents involving naxalite violence from 2004 to 2008. This year, 580 persons have died in 1405 incidents spread across 11 states, till August.

The Union Government has announced its intention of launching a security offensive against the Maoists along with the concerned state governments in the Maoist infested areas. While extremist violence needs to be dealt with firm administrative steps, a security centric approach towards the Maoist violence would fail to end the problem. The Maoists need to be ideologically confronted and politically exposed and isolated. The socio-economic backwardness, especially in the Maoist infested areas also need to be addressed.

The CPI (M) cadres and supporters in West Bengal are being targeted by the Maoists, particularly in the West Medinipur district, precisely because the CPI (M) is in the forefront of the ideological-political battle against the Maoists.

This year, over 130 members and activists of the CPI (M) have lost their lives across West Bengal, of which more than half were victims of Maoist violence.

LALGARH AND THE WEST BENGAL EXPERIENCE

Though Naxalbari in West Bengal has been the cradle of the ultra Left movement in the country, West Bengal also witnessed the fading away of the ultra Left for a long time since the seventies. There were several reasons. The ideological confusion and bankruptcy that it based itself on resulted in the splintering of the movement. The nebulous framework and the anti working class ideas that premised the naxalite movement was also bound to affect its organization. The movement was infiltrated by alien elements of the ruling party and became the major instrument to attack the CPI (M) and the organised Left. The degeneration was so complete that it had no other go but to fade into oblivion. But what proved decisive in the isolation of the Naxalites was the successful and widespread land reform that was led by the organised Left. This process got statutory backing when the Left Front government came to power. So the combination of socio-economic development, political and ideological interventions by the CPI (M) and the organised Left led to the situation that prevailed in West Bengal during the last three decades. It is most unfortunate that the present Home Minister of the country is unmindful of this history of sacrifice and struggle by the organised Left in facing upto the challenge of ultra Left.

The present phase of Maoist activities began in Lalgarh and adjoining areas in the Binpur I block of West Medinipur district which is situated along the Jharkhand border. In the last three years there has been sporadic violence in the area with murderous attacks on activists of the CPI (M) by armed squads who crossed over from Jharkhand. The presence of Maoists was suspected when the Nandigram episode happened. Now the Maoist leaders have themselves confirmed their involvement in Nandigram and have demanded a quid pro quo from the Trinamul Congress vis-à-vis their activities in Lalgarh.

The Lalgarh episode was sparked off following police actions in the area in the wake of a mine blast which was intended to kill the West Bengal Chief Minister on 2nd November 2008, when he was returning from a programme in Salboni to inaugurate a steel plant. Incidentally there was no agitation on land acquisition in the proposed site of the plant neither was any SEZ proposal involved. The state government, in the wake of allegations that the police had committed excesses while apprehending the culprits responsible for the mine blast, had taken action on the basis of those allegations. Police officials were transferred, injured persons were provided medical treatment and compensation and some arrested persons released. But the so-called People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) which had been created was not interested in anything else but disallowing the entry of the state administration and the police personnel into the area. Though several rounds of discussions took place the stalemate continued. It was very clear from their main demand, for a public apology by the District Superintendent of Police of West Midnapore district and other policemen by holding their ears and crawling with their nose to the ground, that the PCAPA was not interested in any resolution of the issue. Subsequently, it became clear that they were acting as the front of the Maoists demanding withdrawal of cases against the Maoist squad leader Shashadhar Mahato who had carried out the assassination attempt on the West Bengal Chief Minister.

The link between the PCAPA and the Trinamul Congress was also clear from the very beginning. The PCAPA spokesperson Chhatradhar Mahato, Sashadhar's brother, had been a former Trinamul Congress local leader.

Trinamul Congress Chief Mamata Banerjee and other Trinamul leaders had also attended events organised by the PCAPA in Lalgarh during this phase though these areas were otherwise out of bounds of the administration. Now even the Home Minister has admitted in the Rajya Sabha (on 2nd December) that the PCAPA is “only a front organisation to the CPI (Maoist)”.

Despite the best attempts of the administration to engage the PCAPA, the Lalgarh area was blockaded and the administration was made out of bounds of the area since November 2008. This so-called “liberated zone” was used to launch murderous attacks against the CPI (M) activists and other political forces who are opposed to the Maoists. Over 80 persons have been killed by the Maoists in this area since November 2008, which includes over 70 cadres and sympathisers of the CPI (M), activists of the Jharkhand Party (Naren) and election commission personnel. The victims were mostly poor peasants or agricultural workers from dalit or adivasi families. A CPI (M) supporter and agricultural worker Salku Soren was killed by the Maoists and his corpse was kept in the open for several days in order to terrorize the CPI (M) supporters.

A 22 year old college student Abhijit Mahato was assassinated alongwith other family members by a Maoist squad. All these massacres were justified by the Maoists in the name of elimination of “class enemies”.

That the people were not with this targeted violence was clear from the thumping majority with which the CPI (M) candidate won from the Jhargram (ST) Lok Sabha constituency, securing 59 per cent of the polled votes and winning by a margin of nearly 3 lakhs, in an election where the Left and the CPI (M) had otherwise suffered electoral reverses. Since the Lok Sabha elections, the operations by the state police and the central paramilitary forces have started and in the last four months large areas have been brought under the control of the civil administration. The state administration has launched a programme of development and reaching out essential services like food rations. The Trinamul Congress, on the other hand, aided and abetted by sections of the media, indulged in stupendous double-speak. They started by attacking the State Government for failing to control Maoist violence and questioned why the Maoists were not being banned in West Bengal. When the Central Government banned the CPI (Maoist) and the State Government started joint operations with central security forces, the Maoist sympathizers initiated shrill rhetoric against state repression. The Trinamul Congress obliged by shifting its stance and opposing the anti-Maoist operations, calling for a withdrawal of Central security forces. In return, the CPI (Maoist) leader Koteshwar Rao alias Kishanji hailed Mamata Banerjee as their preferred choice for being the next Chief Minister of West Bengal in an interview to the Bengali daily Ananda Bazar Patrika on 4th October 2009.

The mainstream media and commentators have talked about underdevelopment and the discontent of the local tribals as the principal source of the agitation. But evidence shows that the movement never acquired a mass character in most parts of the areas spanning the districts of Bankura, Purulia and West Medinipur which is loosely termed as the Jangalmahal. The reason was clear. While the region no doubt suffers from backwardness relative to the more developed areas of West Bengal, the condition of the tribal people in that region is better compared to the tribal areas of Jharkhand, Chattisgarh or Orissa where the Maoists appear to be more deeply entrenched.

Over the last 31 years, the land redistributed in West Medinipur district has benefited 57 per cent of the tribals and other backward communities. Upto November 2008, 176668 tribals have received pattas for 197350.49 acres.

Similarly, 7829 tribals have received house sites and 23452 of them have been recorded as bargadars (secured tenants). The critics of the Left have unfortunately ignored this aspect.

The outbreak of Maoist activities cannot be divorced from the political background. Binpur assembly under which Lalgarh falls has not been a Left stronghold; the opposition has won that seat several times. The block level Panchayat Samiti has been mostly led by the opposition comprising of the Congress and various factions of the Jharkhand Party. Most of the 10 gram panchayats have been held by the anti-Left opposition for the last 15 years. It is clear that the opposition had a strong presence in that particular area as opposed to the rest of the tribal areas in West Medinipur, Bankura and Purulia.

It is this strength of the opposition which provided the Maoists an initial ground for initiating their activities. The Maoists’ thesis that the “CPI (M) is a social fascist force” and therefore any anti-CPI (M) alliance with other bourgeois parties were justified was used to forge direct links with the Trinamul Congress and launch murderous attacks on the CPI (M) cadres and sympathisers.

In its 9th Congress held in Madurai in 1972, in the backdrop of the pincer attack faced by the Party in West Bengal from the Congress on the one side and the naxalites on the other, the CPI (M) had made the following assessment regarding the naxalite movement: “…petty-bourgeois adventurism must degenerate into an anti-working class, anti-revolutionary line and its inevitable destiny was to serve the interests of the ruling classes”. The Maoists today epitomize this degeneration, which has turned them into henchmen of the Trinamul Congress.

BANKRUPTCY OF LEFT SECTARIANISM

In the run up to the Lok Sabha elections in a signed statement, the spokesmen of the Central Committee of CPI (Maoist) titled “Parliamentary democracy is an illusion for the Marxists! Revolution is their reality!” appealed to the people to boycott the elections. The message was loud and clear - that a ‘revolution’ was round the corner; as if an immediate choice was available to the people of this country – the poor, the hungry and the vulnerable – either a ‘revolution’ or a sham parliamentary democracy.

On the Communists’ possible approach to elections, the observations o Frederich Engels (introduction to Marx’s Class Struggles in France) lays down the correct orientation: “Thanks to the intelligent use which the German workers made of the universal suffrage introduced in 1866, the astonishing growth of the party is made plain to all the world”. He further added that the votes secured by the Communists “accurately informed us concerning our own strength and that of all hostile parties, and thereby provided us with a measure of proportion for our actions second to none, safeguarding us from untimely timidity as much as from untimely foolhardiness - if this had been the only advantage we gained from the suffrage, it would still have been much more than enough. But it did more than this by far. In election agitation it provided us with a means, second to none, of getting in touch with the mass of the people where they still stand aloof from us; of forcing all parties to defend their views and actions against our attacks before all the people; and, further, it provided our representatives in the Reichstag with a platform from which they could speak to their opponents in parliament, and to the masses without, with quite other authority and freedom than in the press or at meetings.”

Lenin’s classic against “Leftwing” deviation (Leftwing Communism An Infantile Disorder) also state: “Certainly, without a revolutionary mood among the masses, and without conditions facilitating the growth of this mood, revolutionary tactics will never develop into action. In Russia, however, lengthy, painful and sanguinary experience has taught us the truth that revolutionary tactics cannot be built on a revolutionary mood alone. Tactics must be based on a sober and strictly objective appraisal of all the class forces in a particular state (and of the states that surround it, and of all states the world over) as well as of the experience of revolutionary movements. It is very easy to show one’s “revolutionary” temper merely by hurling abuse at parliamentary opportunism, or merely by repudiating participation in parliaments; its very ease, however, cannot turn this into a solution of a difficult, a very difficult, problem.”

But the Indian Maoists would have none of these. Because, they think that revolutionaries are meant to engage in nothing but an armed struggle; therefore, something as mundane as organizing the workers through patient day-to-day trade union work or mobilizing the peasantry especially the landless, the poor and the agricultural workers on issues concerning their every day livelihood, which would raise their consciousness about the class realities in our rural areas, is of no importance to these ‘revolutionaries’!

A major aspect of the Maoist activities is predominated by ‘annihilation’ of individuals who are opposed to their activities. While claiming the legacy of the Naxalbari movement of the late 60s and early 70s, the Maoists remember the contribution of Charu Mazumdar with utmost reverence – as the pioneer of Maoism in India. However, the present day Maoists could have done better had they taken note of Mazumdar’s views when the imminent collapse of the naxalite movement became apparent to him. Before his arrest he was preparing a document for circulation among his Party members in which he was reported to have commented that “the system of annihilation has been overworked, and many mistakes have been committed. There has been Mwidespread criticism in the party of these. Revisions will be made”. Mazumdar wrote about these mistakes in a personal letter to his wife from jail. However, rather than correcting their grave sectarian mistakes, the CPI (ML) splintered into various directions. Even today, the Maoists refuse to draw proper lessons from the mistakes which Mazumdar eventually admitted.

Here lies the Maoists’ bankruptcy in grasping the essence of Marxism-Leninism which is the ideology on which any Communist party bases its programme and activities and keep on blindly imitating the form adopted in struggles adopted elsewhere in the world and too, in the remote past. Lenin had pointed out that the Marxist ideology can sustain itself because it is revolutionary and scientific at the same time. Without a scientific comprehension about society and social processes, the revolutionaries cannot take the process of social revolution forward. But at the same time, unless the scientific comprehension is wedded to a revolutionary spirit, this process would remain simply an academic exercise. Therefore, for Communists all over, it is important to grasp the concrete study of a concrete situation. And, it is here that the Maoists completely fail the test of being revolutionaries. The entire literature that the Indian Maoists have produced on the concrete analysis of the Indian society, the processes that have shaped it, the changes in the world, the stage of development, the precise nature of the Indian ruling classes are substituted by a copy and paste exercise of the Chinese revolution.

‘MAOISM’: THOROUGHLY MISPLACED CONCEPT

‘Maoism’ in India is a crude distortion of the theory and practice of Mao Ze Dong. Maoists hardly realise that by blindly imitating the particular path of Chinese revolution that the Chinese people traversed under the leadership of Comrade Mao – they are in fact undermining the very contribution of the great Chinese revolution and the success of the widespread national liberation struggles in the wake of the great victory over fascism led by the Soviet Union.

These two momentous developments had changed the alignment of political forces in the aftermath of the Second World War. Ignoring this, the Indian Maoists continue to believe in what the Naxalbari movement propounded that Indian independence is fake and that India continues to be a semi-colonial state in the new millennium. Revolutionaries, whose essential hallmark is to usher in change, cannot remain oblivious of big changes at the global and national level and fail to assimilate their implications.

The present secretary of the CPI (Maoist) Ganapati, in an interview to their own mouthpiece People's March admitted that in the CPI(ML) People’s War Group which is a component of the present Maoist party had a debate over the use of the word ‘Maoism’ in their literature and understanding. He had, of course, branded those who opposed this new nomenclature as an ‘opportunist clique’. But the fact remains that the very notion of ‘Maoism’ is misplaced. This was made clear by the Communist Party of China itself that “Mao Zedong Thought is the integration of the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution”. To try and replicate the path of the Chinese revolution in India, lock, stock and barrel, is nothing but a denial of the Indian realities. The CPI (ML) which emerged during the Naxalbari movement articulated unrealistic slogans like “China's Chairman is our Chairman” and “Chinese path is our path”. Contrast this to the opposition of Mao himself against the general line of Communist International in so far as China was concerned. It was Mao who asserted, and correctly so, that the Chinese revolution could not follow the same trajectory as in Russia. Similarly, the Communists in India have to chart their own road to the revolution on the basis of a concrete analysis of Indian conditions. Wholesale borrowing of the path followed by the Chinese Communist Party before the revolution in China in the name of ‘Maoism’ is against the very grain of Mao Zedong Thought.

The Indian Maoists would do well to learn and assimilate the experience of the Nepalese Maoists. In spite of the fact that Maoists in Nepal commanded a major support through its armed peasant warfare in large parts of the country, they realized that their movement would be unable to go further forward unless they participated in the task of developing a constitutional multi-party democracy replacing the archaic monarchy. In this background the Maoists had entered into a historic agreement with the seven party alliance with other Left and anti-monarchy bourgeois parties. This ensured that they were recognized by the Nepali people as a major force in Nepali politics. Rather than learning from the Nepalese Maoists, the Indian Maoists virulently opposed and criticized them. The content of the open letter that the CPI (Maoist) wrote to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is the most outrageous document that a party calling themselves communists could have issued given the principle of proletarian internationalism associated with communism.

CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT AND MAOIST DOGMA

The basic problem with the conceptual framework of Maoism as has been elucidated by the Indian Maoists lies in their inability to come to grips with the need for evolving with the changing situation and grasping the concrete situation in the society where they are working. Thus the basic analysis of the Indian State of the 40 year old CPI (ML) programme in the wake of the Naxalbari movement is retained by the Maoists, failing to draw any lesson from the complete splintering of the ultra Left movement into myriad factions and groups.

In carrying out an analysis of the Indian state the Maoists have not moved an inch from the earlier programme authored by the CPI (ML) in 1970 in the wake of the Naxalbari movement. Almost 40 years back, an understanding that Indian independence is fake and formal with Indian rulers subservient to an imperialist order which is in a state of imminent collapse persuaded them to believe that an armed struggle involving the rural areas to ‘encircle’ the cities will deliver the ‘revolution’ in quick time. Slogans like ‘decade of the seventies –a decade of liberation’ appeared in Naxalite wall writings in the streets of Kolkata. That the objective experience did not substantiate such an assessment- ought to have triggered some degree of introspection. But, obviously it didn’t.

The naxalite understanding was that the Indian ruling class was a “comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie”. A comprador bourgeoisie defined by the Communist International (6th Congress of the Comintern) is one which subserves imperialism by exporting raw materials and importing finished products. It is a bourgeoisie that does not seek an independent development of capitalism in its country. It is a mere puppet of imperialism. Such a bourgeoisie, therefore, is one which does not command a social base of its own. Overall, this would then be as fragile as a house of cards-requiring a gentle push to bring down the edifice like a domino.

The CPI (M) understands that the Indian ruling classes consist of an alliance between the bourgeoisie and the landlords which is led by the big bourgeoisie.

The big bourgeoisie, in turn, increasingly collaborates with international Nfinance capital. At the same time, the CPI (M) recognizes that the Indian bourgeoisie, as a whole, has a dual character. On the one hand, being part of the world capitalist system and seeking to develop capitalism in India, it collaborates with imperialism and international finance capital. On the other hand, in order to preserve and expand its economic domain from being encroached upon by global capital, it also has conflicts with imperialism. Such conflicts, however, get resolved not by confrontation but through compromise, pressure and bargain. This dual character finds its most visible expression in the economic and foreign policies of the Government.

Without understanding the complexity of the process of capitalist development in India and mechanically presuming an exact resemblance with China has led the ultra Left in India to remain clueless in explaining what has happened in all these years. Heavy industry, infrastructure like railways, power, science and technology in advanced areas like space, nuclear, knowledge based industries like bio-technology and information technology and of course – manufacturing - these have developed in India as part of the overall development of capitalism. The indigenous capacities built over the years are unthinkable had it been spearheaded by a “comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie”.

MINDLESS MILITARISM: UNCONNECTED TO PEOPLE'S ISSUES

The practice of the Maoists has little to do with issues of livelihood and socioeconomic justice. For example, there are a large number of daily issues which are connected with the rights and access to forest wealth of those very people who inhabit those areas where the Maoists are active. But far from raising the question of the mining laws of the country which displace the tribal and other forest dwellers, the Maoists are only talking of a violent armed revolution. This is as if just by talking of a long drawn armed struggle the people can be attracted and changes will take place only after the ‘revolutionary’ government is established. Similarly, despite their shrill anti-imperialist rhetoric, when it comes to taking up issues and mobilizing people against imperialist dictated policies – there is a deafening silence. The Maoists have never spoken on the disastrous impact of financial liberalisation and speculative activities in the economy. Neither have they raised their voice against the complete withdrawal of public investment in agriculture which has been one of the main reasons for the severe agrarian crisis in the country which has led to thousands of farmers committing suicide.

The cult of the gun – the firepower of the so-called people’s guerrillas and the discourse on military tactics has completely overwhelmed the Maoists. They seem to be paying no heed to the exhortations of Mao against mindless militarism in many of his writings on the strategy, tactics and experience of the Chinese revolution. The biggest danger of such mindless militarism lies in the fact that they provoke repression from the state which not only eliminates the so-called ‘revolutionaries’ but also exposes innocent rural poor to repression, demoralizes them and impacts adversely on their potential to organize and fight for their rights. The rural poor thus continue to remain victims of exploitation and depredation. A glaring instance of this phenomenon can be seen in Chhattisgarh, where the tribals today are caught in a vicious cycle of violence and counter-violence by the Maoists and the state-sponsored militia, Salva Judum. In the process, the Maoists manage to disrupt the emergence of a strong democratic movement which raises the level of revolutionary consciousness of the poor and the exploited. We have seen that happen earlier in West Bengal and subsequently in Andhra Pradesh.

What can happen as a result of such mindless militarism is evident from the large material which has now been brought out in the public domain by those who had been in the past participants and fellow travelers in the activities of the People’s War Group of Andhra Pradesh and who constitute the main component of the present Maoist party. Dr. Balagopal, who recently passed away, had brought out in graphic detail the degeneration of the Maoists in his essays in the Dark Angles. He has described several heinous and ghastly acts of the Peoples War Group bringing out the sadistic character which should otherwise be alien to a revolutionary movement. In order to make immediate tactical and military gains, the PWG had not even flinched from having unholy alliances with landlords and other ruling class elements.

Strange as it may seem, in their document “Post Election Situation Our Tasks”, the Maoists have admitted that “in the last government, where it had a smaller number of seats, the Congress was totally dependent on its various allies in order to continue in power and the Left too exerted some amount of pressure on Manmohan Singh government for almost four years.” And they conclude “the result has given scope for the UPA government to enact more draconian legislation”. But yet, because of their failure to oppose the very policies of that very government they end up in attacking the Left and embracing the second largest component of the same government – the Trinamul Congress in West Bengal. They have ended up being the armed mercenaries of the Trinamul in the forest areas of West Bengal which borders Jharkhand. This is a classic demonstration of the effect of indulging in ‘armed struggle’ intended to usher in ‘revolution’ without any connection with the peoples issues.

UNCOMFORTABLE WITH DEMOCRACY

Communists the world over are vigorously engaged with the question of democracy. The urgency of this has intensified after collapse of Soviet Union.

We in the CPI (M) have done this not only in our struggles for defense of democratic rights in the wake of emergency or in the face of depredations of communal fascist forces; but also in understanding the deficiencies that existed in Soviet Union and which contributed in no small measure to its eventual collapse. We had noted in our document entitled “On Certain Ideological Issues” - “as the socialist system and the state consolidated and correlation of class forces changed in its favour, opportunities for widening democracy and opened up. Unfortunately incorrect assessments of the reality led to the earlier methods of running the state machinery being carried over into the subsequent period. This led not only to distortions such as growing bureaucratism, violation of socialist legality and suppression of individual freedom and liberty. The movement to higher phases of the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat implies the progressive enrichment of socialist democracy.”

The Maoists in Nepal have also realized that the struggle for socialism in the 21st century cannot be successful merely through an emulation of the 20th century struggles. They have thoroughly debated and discussed the question of democracy in the 21st century. At the Rolpa Plenum, held in May-June 2003, the CPN (M) adopted a document “The Development of Democracy in the 21st Century”. Baburam Bhattarai writes: “After making a critical review of the experiences of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th century, the document advocated the need to ensure the supervision, intervention and control of the masses over the Party, army and the state in order to march along the path of continuous revolution after making the revolution, and for this advanced the concept of practicing a multi-party competitive system within the stipulated constitutional framework. This was a new milestone in the development of revolutionary ideas”. (Baburam Bhattarai Epochal Ten Years of Application and Development of Revolutionary Ideas, The Worker, #10, May 2006) On the tenth anniversary of the launching of the peoples’ war in Nepal, Prachanda commented in the special interview quoted at the beginning: “One has to be clear about one thing, that our Party is talking about the development of people’s democracy in the 21st century after having learnt from the experiences of the revolutions and counter-revolutions of the 20th century, and accordingly has accepted multi-Party competition within an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist constitutional frame.”

Indians Maoists have, however, remained blissfully oblivious about such an overriding demand to respond on the question of democracy. Well-meaning liberal intellectuals have been rightly stressing the need for respecting human rights in dealing with the Maoists. But even they seem to be overlooking the fact that the mindless killings that the Maoists indulge in have to be dealt with firm administrative action. If the Maoists commit a crime they have to be prosecuted and tried independently with full freedom for defending their actions. The liberal opinion also legitimately emphasizes that the State should not indulge in fake encounters and campaigns like Salva Judum in Chhattisgarh. Because, these actions of the State completely undermine the basic principle of natural justice and assumptions of innocence until proven guilty - this is the underlying premise of our jurisprudence.

However, the major problem of the Maoists lies with the methods that they employ in dealing with whom they perceive as their ‘class enemies’.

Designating individuals as the class enemies and terming them lackeys of feudal exploiters or police agents is a purely subjective exercise. Often they degenerate into holding of kangaroo courts under the shadow of the gun where a death penalty is pronounced against ordinary policemen, school teachers or agricultural workers. Here the Maoist squad leader functions – as a complainant, a prosecutor, a judge and finally the executioner all rolled into one. Often, the trouble of going through such cumbersome procedures is also discarded conveniently. Putting up a poster declaring the dead man a class enemy next to the dead body would suffice! It is almost as if, if you are not with the Maoists, you are a class enemy – a perverted version of the Bush doctrine. Therefore, this obvious discomfiture on the question of democracy becomes evident. And this is a question which will also have to be answered by all the well-meaning liberals who rightly question the government’s record on human rights.

The CPI (M) believes that the battle against Maoists cannot be carried out successfully merely on the strength of security forces. Banning them is not a solution to tackle violence and the spree of killings that Maoists armed squads indulge in. The CPI (M) will also continue to oppose the draconian provisions of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The CPI (M) also points out the urgency in addressing the questions of socio-economic backwardness which dog those very areas where the Maoists operate. But the Maoists response is clearly marked by visible discomfiture on eschewing violence, not to speak of giving up arms. Why this discomfort? The Maoists themselves have to realize that the observance of human rights cannot be a one-way traffic.

WHAT THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT OUGHT TO DO

The Prime Minister had recognized the Maoist violence as the “single biggest threat to the internal security of the country.” But his cabinet colleague, Mamata Banerjee, does not share the perception. Otherwise how could the media savvy Maoist leader Kishanji express his hope of seeing the Trinamul supremo as the next Chief Minister of West Bengal! The government has not been able to forge a consensual approach among its own constituents, let alone the entire spectrum. And it is difficult to happen unless the government addresses, with some sense of urgency, the issues of social and economic backwardness of the tribal areas.

The regime of terror and extortion presided over by the Maoist squads are sustained by the helplessness and disempowerment of the poor and the dispossessed. The government has to address the issues of dispossession and displacement which has affected the tribals. The mining laws and mineral policies which have led to opening up of tribal areas for exploitation by big corporates need to be urgently reviewed. The implementation of land reforms, the Forest Rights Act and the NREGA also assumes paramount importance. In spite of the attempt to convert this battle into a mere battle of the gun, the government has to show concern towards the people and isolate the campaigners of violence from them. This is how the government ought to proceed.

MAOISTS WILL BE DEFEATED

It is necessary for all of us who are fighting for a world free from exploitation, impoverishment and hunger to confront the Maoists, ideologically and politically, in order to defend the organised Left movement. The sacrifice of the martyred CPI (M) activists will not go in vain. The democratic and progressive opinion of the country will finally prevail.

Back Cover

Give Me a Voice of Thunder
That I may hurl Imprecation on this cannibal Whose Gruesome Hunger Spares Neither Mother Nor Child

Rabindranath Tagore
(December, 2009)

Source: www.cpim.org

UNDER-GROUND FACE OF CPI (MAOIST)

KISHENJI, UNDER-GROUND FACE OF CPI (MAOIST)

MAHASWETA DEVI, OVER-GROUND FACE OF CPI (MAOIST)

MAMATA BANERJEE, POLITICAL FACE OF BANNED CPI (MAOIST) AND ITS REPRESENTATIVE IN THE CABINET OF DR. MANMOHAN SINGH





ARUNDHATI ROY, OVER-GROUND FACE OF BANNED CPI (MAOIST)

OVER-GROUND FACE OF BANNED CPI (MAOIST)

Wednesday, April 14, 2010

PROBE CONFLICT OF INTEREST IN IPL

Communmist Party of India (Marzxist) has issued the following statement on 14-04-2010 on conflit of interest in IPL.

14 April 2010

The involvement of Mr. Shashi Tharoor, Minister of State for External Affairs, in the Indian Premier League franchise for the Kochi team has raised a number of questions. It now transpires that a person associated with him has got 19 per cent free equity worth Rs. 70 crores in the company that led the consortium which got the franchise.

The IPL is not just a sporting event, but is a big business enterprise in which big money is involved. It is highly inappropriate for a minister in the Union government to be involved in such murky dealings.

It is incumbent upon Mr. Tharoor to step down from office till his name is cleared of any unethical or irregular behaviour.

The UPA government should also explain whether its ministers can be involved in business dealings in the name of IPL. The government should probe the source of certain funds flowing into the tournament and reconsider whether any tax exemptions or concessions are justified for this commercial enterprise.
Source: www.cpim.org

COM. EMS NAMBOODRIPAD WITH COM. A.K. GOPALAN

COMMUNISTS ARE NEVER SO BRUTAL AS THE MAOISTS TRY TO DEPICT THEM

PHOTO COURTESY: "ANANDA BAZAR PATRIKA"

TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT OF INNOCENT VILLAGERS BY MAHASWETA DEVI SUPPORTED PERVERTED MAOISTS

PHOTO COURTESY: "ANANDA BAZAR PATRIKA"

Monday, April 12, 2010

BATTLE ON 'BT' STILL ON — indranil

Fri, 2010-04-09 23:30

Indian agricultural landscape seems to be changing very rapidly- small farmers gradually giving way to big corporations. In last two decades a plethora of measures were taken to make farming more difficult for the petty farmers and pave way for the likes of Monsanto, Cargill, Reliance or PepsiCo.

Starting from seeds, fertilizers, credits or even marketing of their produce, farmers today are under the clutches of corporate sector. While corporate profits are soaring, Indian agriculture seems to be under prolonged depression- with negative or negligible growth in output, declining productivity and increasing input costs. Need for major increase in productivity is felt in different quarters. While major public investment in agricultural research seems to be quintessential, policy makers are undeterred in their faith on the corporate sector. Genetically modified crops are being projected as a magic bullet for increasing productivity. Civil society has come vociferously against the introduction of GM crops. The Science community, on the other hand, does not see any problem in GM technology per se. However, many feel that the over-reliance on Bt technology, among the various options, is mainly due to pressures from US agro-business lobby to help Monsanto, the patent holder of Bt gene, make major inroads in Indian agriculture. Protests from farmers’ organisations, civil society and left parties forced GoI to put commercial production of Bt brinjal on hold for the time being. The euphoria seems to be short lived. Biotechnology Regulatory Authority of India (BRAI) is drafting a new bill to thwart away any opposition of GM crops and bring back Bt agenda on fast track. Shaweta Anand’s article on the issue throws light on limitations of GM research and helps us to understand the nuances of the debate.
Source: Dr. D. Mukherjee

SECURING SAFE MOTHERHOOD - Dipa

Sun, 2010-04

Today is National Safe Motherhood Day – a day on which the country pledges to make all efforts to ensure that no woman dies due to pregnancy related causes. Advances in medical technology and the knowledge of causes of maternal mortality are now at a stage where almost every maternal death, across the world can be classified as being “unavoidable”.

Pregnancy is not a disease, rather a natural process in most women’s lives, which can get complicated sometimes but there is no reason to accept death as a possible outcome. However it is also a process that takes a toll on the women’s body, therefore requiring additional support in the form of better nutrition, health care and rest.

India’s record in decreasing maternal mortality has not been very positive, especially in the Northern states in the country. About 70000 women continue to die every year in our country due to maternal mortality. The primary response of the Government to this problem is the Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) which incentivises institutional delivery by giving a cash benefit to women who deliver in an institution. While in the states with high levels of maternal mortality (‘Low Performing States’) this incentive is supposed to be given to all women irrespective of whether they are below the poverty line (BPL) or not; in the rest of the states (‘High Performing States’) this incentive is restricted to women who are BPL and amongst them to the first two births.

Skilled attendance at birth is widely recognised as an effective intervention at preventing maternal deaths; and institutional deliveries is a way of ensuring this. It is therefore indeed very important to make it possible for the poorest of women to be able to access institutions for delivery. However, this requires not only that the women (and their families) are convinced that they should deliver in an institution (which is what the JSY contributes to); but also that the institution is ready to provide quality care. Unfortunately, the focus of the government strategy has been more on the demand side. There are still many reports from across the country of women reaching the institution but being turned away, apathy towards poor patients especially those belonging to lower castes, lack of doctors and nurses at the Primary Health Centres (PHCs) and Community Health Centres (CHCs), lack of adequate medical facilities especially for emergency obstetric care, poor access to blood banks and so on.

There is also a wide inter-state variation in the levels of maternal mortality and also the availability and quality of services. While the maternal mortality ratio is 111 in Tamil Nadu, it is four times higher at 440 in Uttar Pradesh. Looking at the availability of health services it is seen that, according to the Government of India’s Health Bulletin, 2008 there is a shortfall of 22% of PHCs in Uttar Pradesh (when compared to the number require according to official norms) while they are slightly in surplus in Tamil Nadu. Further while the population served per doctor (ANM) in Tamil Nadu is around 9200 (3374), in Uttar Pradesh there is one doctor per almost 24000 (6012) population. The DLHS-3 data (2007-08) shows that 2.3% of PHCs in Uttar Pradesh have a lady doctor whereas this figure is 62.4%. Further while only 34.5% PHCs in Uttar Pradesh have referral services for pregnancy/delivery, in Tamil Nadu 63.4% do so. This situation is also reflected in the indicators of access to services with only 24.5% of deliveries being in institutions in Uttar Pradesh, while in Tamil Nadu 94.1% of the deliveries are institutional.

Therefore it is quite clear that in order to increase ‘safe’ deliveries high priority needs to be given not just to increase the demand for institutional services but also to improve the access and quality of maternal health services. For this, along with adequate allocations what is required is a high level of political priority for the health of mothers and children. Further, it must be realised that there are many other interventions that are required for improving maternal health, and increasing institutional deliveries is just one.

For instance, anaemia is a major contributing cause for maternal mortality in the country. According to the NFHS data 57.9% of pregnant women are anaemic and about one-third of all women are too thin (have a Body Mass Index of less than 18.5). Nutritional support for pregnant women (in fact, nutritional support for all women) therefore can be seen as a very important intervention for improving maternal health. Currently, the programmes for nutrition support for pregnant women are through the ICDS (anganwadis) and the National Maternity Benefit Scheme (NMBS). The ICDS provides for supplementary nutrition (SNP) for pregnant women of a value of Rs. 5 per woman per day. Coverage under this scheme is low (about 35% based on official data as calculated by the Supreme Court Commissioners) and the quality of SNP is extremely poor and it is supplied in an irregular manner. After all, at current food prices one can only imagine what Rs. 5 a day can buy.

The National Maternity Benefit Scheme (NMBS) which provides a one-time payment of Rs.500 as nutrition support to BPL pregnancy women has also been continuously undermined and poorly implemented. With the introduction of the JSY, the NMBS has been “subsumed” under this new scheme although the two have different objectives – one is to incentivise institutional delivery while the other is to provide nutritional support. As a result there is a lot of confusion on the ground with a clear message being given that although on paper the NMBS continues, women having home deliveries are not to be given any support. Further, even where the NMBS component is implemented all kinds of restrictions are placed on it. For instance, if a woman has more than two deliveries then she is not given any cash benefit for nutrition support during pregnancy and so is the case if a woman is below 19 years of age and a victim of child marriage. This is ironical considering that both women with a high parity and those who are very young are at greater risk of maternal mortality and therefore require additional support. Further, the amount given (Rs.500) although better than nothing, is very little.

Contrast this with the recent introduction of expanded maternity leave for women working in the government, where they can take up to two years of paid leave for each child (at any time until the child is 18 years of age) and the insensitivity of the Government towards poor women becomes obvious. Most women in the country who work in the informal sector and are poor, malnourished and anaemic but continue to work almost until the time they deliver and rush back to work at the earliest possible after delivery as the family cannot afford to give them “leave”. Activists have been demanding that all women must be entitled to a maternity benefit of at least Rs. 1000 for a six month period starting from a couple of months before delivery to a few months after. This should be seen as part of guaranteeing working women their right to social security and also as contributing to bette maternal health. Tamil Nadu has such a scheme (the Muthulakshmi Reddy Maternity Benefit Scheme) and we can indeed learn from that.

Courtesy: Dr. Mukherjee