Wednesday, July 28, 2010


Against the “means-based approach” to development that the bourgeoisie projects, the left must project a “rights-based approach”. Since “rights” are guarantors of welfare gains, every winning of rights likewise strengthens them. The acquisition of rights on the part of the people, including rights to minimum bundles of goods, services and security, amounts therefore to winning crucial battles in the class war for the transcendence of capitalism. If the left were to put on its agenda a struggle for people’s rights and adopt a rights-based approach to development as opposed to the means-based approach of the bourgeois formations, it would not constitute a retreat into abstract humanism but would be an integral part of the dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital.

The term “development” has almost become synonymous with the achievement of a high rate of growth of the gross domestic product (GDP). It used to be claimed at one time that the benefits of a rapid expansion of GDP would automatically “trickle down” to the poor, so that a high growth rate of GDP could very legitimately be looked upon as the summum bonum of the development effort. This claim however has been so obviously discredited that few would make it now. The argument that has replaced it states that even if there is no automatic “trickle down”, a larger GDP enables the State to garner larger resources through taxation, and hence to spend more for the benefit of the poor. A larger GDP, and hence by inference a high rate of growth of GDP, is therefore, according to this argument, a necessary condition for “deve lopment”, though not a sufficient one as believed earlier.

This argument, articulated for instance in the Planning Commission’s Approach Paper to the Eleventh Five-Year Plan, comes to the same conclusion as the earlier one, namely that a high growth rate of GDP is the summum bonum of “development”, but it avoids intellectually untenable and morally questionable concepts like “trickle down”. This entire approach will be referred to below as the “means-based approach” to development, since it believes that the essence of the problem of development consists in simply expanding the sum total of the available means of production and consumption.

The “means-based approach” however is untenable in all its incarnations, including the one that promotes it on the ground that it is essential if the State is to do “good things”. This is so well-established empirically that one hardly needs to labour the point. During the period when India’s growth rate was accelerating, prompting the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government to claim that “India was shining”, hunger and absolute poverty, which is defined on the basis of a calorie norm, was getting sharply accentuated in the country. Between 1993-94 and 2004-05, the proportion of the rural population having less than 2,400 calories per person per day (which is the definition of “rural poverty” in India) increased from 74.5% to 87% (U Patnaik 2007). Likewise the proportion of the urban population with less than 2,100 calories per person per day (which is the definition of “urban poverty”) increased over this period from 57 to 64% (U Patnaik 2010).

Similarly among states, which, under the influence of the centrally-sponsored “means-based approach” to development, have been vying with one another to a ttract investments to their territories, Gujarat has been among the more successful ones, so much so that its chief minister is projected by his party as today’s “development icon”. Indeed in terms of output growth rate Gujarat has been marginally ahead of the national average. But during the same period 1993-94 to 2004-05, G ujarat not only has had a consistently higher ratio of rural poverty (defined as above) than India as a whole, but actually experienced, like India as a whole, an increase in this ratio. An acceleration in GDP growth rate, experience shows, has thus been accompanied in reality by an i ncrease in the incidence of a bsolute poverty.

This is not surprising. The acceleration in growth rate is typically accompanied by a process of primitive accumulation of capital, entailing an expropriation of petty producers from their meagre means of production; but it does not create an adequate number of jobs where the expropriated could be absorbed as proletarians. The expropriated therefore linger on in even more miserable conditions of existence than before, are pushed into even greater levels of distress than before, as the consequence of accelerating growth rates. And given this expanding ocean of distress within which the “modern sector” of the economy, which happens to be the location of the accelerating growth, is situated, the workers employed within this sector too find their wage rates tied to some subsistence level at best. A pheno menal increase in the share of surplus value becomes the inevitable outcome of this process of accelerating growth.

The hope that a part of this surplus value can be taxed away by the government to be spent upon the welfare of the poor, never gets realised. Since a condition for this high growth rate is the offer of enticements to capitalists to undertake investment, for which the state governments are made to vie with one another, to believe that these very capitalists will be taxed off their surplus value is naïve. To take the case of Gujarat again, its so-called “success” is founded upon the incentives, both in terms of subsidies and in terms of workers’ “discipline” and lack of rights, that the state government provides to the capita lists. To persuade the Tatas to shift their Nano plant from West Bengal to Gujarat for instance, the Gujarat government, according to a report in The Hindu, provided pecuniary concessions worth Rs 31,000 crore. A government that offers concessions on this scale can hardly have much resources left for welfare expenditure for the poor.Flawed Approach The State under neoliberalism in other words actively promotes an increase in the share of surplus value in the hands of d omestic and foreign corporates as an essential component of its so-called “development strategy”. It can hardly be expected to do the very opposite, and nullify such an increase through fiscal means, as a part of the same “development strategy”! The “means-based approach to development” therefore turns out to be a flawed one, even in its most benign version, as a way of achieving development, in the sense of an improvement in the living conditions of the people at large.

It escalates the share of surplus value in output, even while accelerating the growth rate of output; and this surplus value is r ealised through larger investment (which underlies growth escalation), larger luxury consumption by the capitalists and their “dependents” (including the “professional classes”), larger “non-welfare” expenditure by the State including consumption by the upper salariat (and defence-related expenditures), and (though not in India’s case) larger holdings of foreign exchange reserves financed through current account surpluses on the balance of payments. This is the archetype of bourgeois deve lopment, where production, if not strictly “for production’s sake” a la Tugan- Baranovsky, is for enhancing the consumption of the capitalists and their “hangers on” (or what Peter Struve had called the “third persons”), and meeting the infrastructural needs of such consumption, but not for raising the consumption of the working people.

The sustainability of such high growth is problematical in any case. The “propensity to consume” by the capitalists and their “hangers on” is likely to decline in the absence of continuous product innovations in the luxury consumption sector in the metropolis, from where typically such innovations are transplanted to the Third World. The investment required for new infrastructure needs, associated with the structural change in the economy that n eoliberalism brings about, tends typically to be bunched in the beginning; after the initial period the investment requirement tends to flatten out, as had happened in the colonial period when the infrastructure requirement for the structural change of that time, in the form of ports and railways, had flattened out after an initial burst. True, the prevalence of low sub sistence wages encourages exports which can compensate to an extent for the decline in demand arising from the “flattening out” of other expenditure items referred to above. But such exports which cause unemployment in the metropolis also have strict limits even in the absence of any world capitalist crisis (apart from the fact that several third world economies compete fiercely among themselves for such export markets). In short, even if the world capitalist crisis was absent, the high GDP growth that countries like India have been experiencing is likely to have been unsustainable. In the context of the crisis, this is especially so, particularly since the current crisis is likely to be a protracted one. Indeed what we have today is not just a crisis of capitalism but an impasse for the system which is not easy to overcome.

But my objective here is to discuss not the sustainability of the current growth trajectory but a left alternative to the c urrent growth trajectory. If the current growth trajectory is archetypally a bourgeois growth trajectory, then the left must not only oppose it as part of its g eneral oppositional role in a bourgeois s ociety, but also, wherever it happens to form state governments, attempt an a lternative trajectory, subject to all the limitations it faces. And for doing so, it must have a clear conception of this a lternative.

Such a conception does exist and has existed for long. Land reforms, the protection and promotion of peasant agriculture within a more egalitarian agrarian economy, the protection and promotion of petty production against the onslaught of corporate capitalism, the formation and cementing of a worker-peasant alliance on the basis of such an alternative development strategy, the strengthening of petty production, including of peasant agriculture, through cooperatives and voluntarily-formed collectives, the technological upgradation of petty production under the aegis of such collective forms, industrialisation based primarily upon the home market that expands through such measures, the activation of the public sector as the leading agent of the industrialisation drive and as a countervailing force to private corporate aggrandisement, a degree of planning of technological change to ensure the rapid elimination of unemployment (as had happened in the Soviet U nion), and a massive spate of welfare measures to improve the quality of life of the working people – all these constitute some of the ingredients of such an alternative development strategy that has been in vogue in left circles for long.

They are relevant in the context when the left acquires state power; but they must also inform the development strategy of state governments led by the left. Such governments of course may have to invite private capitalists to set up projects in the state; but they must have a “reservation price”, a level of concessions which they will not exceed in entertaining private project proposals. Such a threshold will have meaning insofar as alternatives such as public and cooperative sectors are available for taking up projects.

Alternative Strategy

Such an alternative strategy may not achieve growth rates as high as the bourgeois strategy does over certain periods. But since the purpose of development is to improve the living condition of the people, this strategy has the advantage of directly addressing it. Instead of GDP growth rate becoming the main focus, under the chimerical assumption that it will bring about development, this strategy directly addresses the problem of development; the growth that occurs is a fallout of it. And in the worst-case scenario, even if no growth occurs, addressing the question of development directly is still preferable on grounds that John Stuart Mill had made famous, when he had declared his unconcern over the “stationarity” of a “stationary state” as long as the workers were b etter off in it.

But again my concern here is not with the components of an alternative strategy, but with the approach to development. For the bourgeoisie, the components of the strategy, consisting of state subsidies to capital, displacement of petty producers, and “disciplining” of workers, derives from an approach to development that is “means-based”. The question arises: for the left, what is the approach to development that should inform the components of the strategy consisting of land reforms, defence of petty production, defence of workers’ rights, reinvigoration of the public sector, and adoption of welfare measures?

The left’s approach to development cannot simply be one of emphasising welfare. “Welfare” is not simply a gift of the State to the people. It has to be conceived as a right. Or putting it differently, against the “means-based approach” to development that the bourgeoisie projects, the left must project a “rights-based approach”. This may appear at first sight as merely pushing against an open door. Is not the Indian government adopting precisely such a “rights-based approach”, with the right to employment, enshrined in the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, and the right to information enshrined in the RTI Act, being now succeeded by the Right to Education Bill that has already been passed by Parliament, a Right to Health Bill that is waiting in the wings, and a Right to Food Bill that is being finalised? Does the left’s approach then merely consist in mimicking something which the bourgeois government already appears to have adopted?


(3 per kg), it is targeted exclusively towards the “poor” who are capriciously-defined and hence arbitrarily-compressible category. The “right” supposedly provided by the Right to Education Bill is structurally unjusticiable in the absence of a state-run system of common neighbourhood schools of a certain minimum quality. The NREGA comes closest to providing a “right”, but, as is well known, the provision of employment on demand as promised under the NREGA has not been the general practice (and unemployment allo wance has not necessarily been paid when employment has not been provided); de facto therefore the NREGA does not give a right to employment. In short, while the government talks of conferring “rights”, they are not “rights” in the true sense of the term. They are not necessarily universal, they are not justiciable, or at any rate justiciable in any meaningful sense of the term, and they are usually hemmed in by legal loopholes that permit the State to override the provisions of the Acts. As a matter of fact the term “right” used in the context of all the above-mentioned legislations is seriously misleading. The Right to Food Bill provides no “right” insofar as it is not universal: apart, reportedly, from representing a withdrawal from what most states already provide to the below the poverty line (BPL) population at the present moment, viz, 35 kg of grain per family per month at Rs 2 per kg (against which the bill provides 25 kg at Rs

This is not surprising. In the post-war period governments in advanced capitalist countries, especially those led by social democratic parties had undertaken a host of welfare measures. They had introduced excellent programmes like the National Health Service of Britain. They had pursued Keynesian demand management measures to bring down unemployment rates to record historical lows. And yet they never enacted legislation to transform these achievements into rights of the working people. The bourgeois state in other words, no matter what stupendous achievements it can have under specific circumstances by way of welfare and relief for the working people, can never recognise the rights of the working people to such relief and welfare measures. This is because the bourgeois state can never inter fere in the functioning of a capitalist economy to a point where it can negate forever its spontaneous tendencies. Any such interference in its spontaneous tendencies, as I have argued elsewhere (Patnaik 2010), gives rise to a situation where a stark choice is presented between two alternatives: either a series of measures that constitute a dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital, or a series of m easures that constitute a dialectics of subservience to the logic of capital. The former recursively leads to a denouement for the overcoming of capitalism, while the latter entails a negation of the original interference and a slide-back into capita lism in its spontaneity.

Now a recognition of rights of the working people forecloses the latter option and preordains the bourgeois state to a dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital, whose ultimate denouement can only be socialism. No bourgeois state can possibly countenance this, which is why no matter how significant its interventions in providing welfare in particular circumstances, it has never elevated such welfare into a right of the workers. The provision of welfare to the people in an ad hoc manner is always compatible with capitalism, since it is always reversible. But the provision of welfare as a right to the people is fundamentally incompatible with capitalism. And this is precisely why no bourgeois government can accept a rights-based approach to development; and this is also precisely why the left has to adopt a rights-based approach to development which sets it qualitatively apart from all bourgeois formations and, by unleashing a dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital, prepares the ground for a transition to socialism.

Liberal theory argues that a “right”, to be meaningful, must be backed by the capacity of the State to enforce it. This amounts to saying that only those rights should be recognised which it is within the capacity of the State, in our case the bourgeois state, to enforce. This is an inversion of logic, since it makes the domain of rights dependent upon the capacity of the capitalist order, instead of deriving the optimal social arrangement from the capacity of any such arrangement to guarantee certain basic rights. Liberal theory in short does not go beyond the confines of capitalism; it takes capitalism as its perennial premise and hence denies any rights that the bourgeois state cannot guarantee. The left position by contrast must take certain basic rights, for example rights to minimum bundles of commodities, services, and material security (the last of which for instance the right to employment guarantees), as its premise and hence not confine itself to the boundaries of bourgeois society. This is exactly what a rights-based approach seeks to do; and notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary such an approach can never be accepted by any bourgeois formation, including the one leading the Government in India.

To argue that a left approach must be a rights-based approach, as opposed to the means-based approach of bourgeois formations, may appear odd at first sight, since Marx was quite contemptuous of the rights discourse. He saw all talk of “human rights” in a bourgeois society as ensuring only the possibility of free sale of labour-power in the market, by giving the worker the right to dispose of his pro perty, viz, labour-power, unencumbered by any restrictions. “Human rights” in other words were both a premise and a camouflage for exploitation in a bourgeois society. How, it may be asked, can the left then adopt the language of this hypo critical discourse?

The answer to this consists of two parts: first, just as “democracy” in a bourgeois society serves to camouflage exploitation, just as “equality” in a bourgeois society is only the equality of commodity-owners in the marketplace, underlying which is the reality of exploitation, likewise “rights” in a bourgeois society are meant only to sustain a structure of exploitation. But this does not make “rights” meaningless, no more than it makes “democracy” or “equality” meaningless. On the contrary, just as “democracy” and “equality” can get realised only in a society transcending capitalism, i e, in a socialist society, likewise “rights” too become meaningful only in a socialist society, which is why the left must struggle over “rights” in a bourgeois society, as it struggles over “democracy” and “equality”. Bourgeois society’s “hypocrisy” over rights therefore, far from robbing the concept of legitimacy, makes it an important transitional demand for the left.

Not Identical with Human Rights

Second, “rights” must not be taken to be identical with “human rights”. More than half a century ago Hannah Arendt had argued that “rights” were a political construct; they did not derive from “human nature”. The problem she was concerned with was the “rights” of refugees and o thers reduced to “worldlessness” who did not enjoy “citizenship” of a particular nation-state. What, she asked, was their “right to have rights”? The only “human right” she recognised was the “right to have rights” and the basis for this according to her was not “human nature” but “human dignity” whose roots lay in the Aristotelian notion of man being a “political animal”. Arendt in other words had already shifted the b asis of “rights” from the moral to the p olitical universe.

But one can go further along this direction. Since freedom is incompatible with the “spontaneity” of capitalism, it requires going beyond capitalism to a system where people, organised politically, control their own destinies, by setting up an economic arrangement that is amenable to political control instead of being driven by its own inner logic. Political praxis on the part of the people therefore is the weapon for transcending the “spontaneity” of the capitalist system, which means transcending capitalism. In this struggle, every welfare gain they make strengthens them. And since “rights” are guarantors of welfare gains, every winning of “rights” likewise strengthens them. The acquisition of “rights” on the part of the people, including “rights” to minimum bundles of goods, services and security, amounts therefore to winning crucial battles in the class war for the transcendence of capitalism. The left’s putting on its agenda a struggle for people’s “rights”, adopting a “rights-based approach” to development as opposed to the “means-based approach” of the bourgeois formations, constitutes therefore not a retreat into abstract humanism but an integral part of the dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital. A “rights-based approach” which does not appeal to “human nature” but derives its justification from the striving for freedom, exactly the way that “democracy” does, and indeed is seen as an essential counterpart of, and pre-requisite for, “democracy”, whose authentic realisation requires the protection of the people from the “spontaneity” of the economic system, is therefore in complete conformity with Marxism. Far from being a retreat from Marxism into some sort of humanism, as many may fear, it is part of a political praxis informed by Marxism.

The question that immediately arises is: what are these “rights” that the left should demand? (And of course what it demands also provides a sense of direction to its policies in states where it is in power, though the limitations placed by the Indian federal polity make it impossible for it to come anywhere near achieving what it demands.) In the case of what are normally recognised as “rights” under the Constitution, there is no question of the quantum of such “rights” being time-dependent. The right to freedom of expression or the right to freedom of speech does not acquire radically different connotations between rich and poor economies, but the right to employment at a decent living wage does, for what is considered a decent living wage in a poor economy is vastly different from what is considered so in a rich eco nomy. Over time the concept of a decent living wage is likely to change in any economy, but if “rights” are not to become subject to the vicissitudes of a capitalist e conomy, there must be some invariance, at least in a downward direction, to the “bundle” which the right guarantees to every citizen. So, what should be the size of this “bundle”? While the concept of “rights” is perceived here as being part of the dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital, its justification is seen to lie not in any abstract h uman nature but in its necessity for democracy, as constituting a minimum condition for the people, insulated through the exercise of such “rights” against hunger, insecurity and ignorance, to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. It follows then that the definition of this minimum bundle must be in accordance with this justification. Its precise content can be subject to discussion but the principle that must underlie it is clear.

The left approach to development it f ollows can neither be the “means-based” approach, so favoured by bourgeois formations, nor the “welfarist” approach that social democracy, at its best, espouses. The former squeezes the workers and peasants today while promising them a prosperous future, but this future never comes. The latter, while empirically improving the lot of the workers and peasants, does not necessarily locate this improvement within a discourse of “rights of the people”, which is an essential component of democracy and whose violation is fundamentally anti-democratic. The left approach must begin with this last proposition and must be “rights-based” in this sense rather than in any humanistic sense. The adoption of a rights-based approach on the part of the left will not only bury once for all the fears of authoritarianism associated with it (because of the one- Party dictatorships that had characterised former socialist regimes for historical reasons), but also put it in a vantage position to struggle against the hegemony of international finance capital in the context of the current profound capitalist crisis.


1 The views of Mikhail Tugan-Baranovsky and P eter Struve are discussed in Luxemburg (1963). See also Kalecki (1971) for a discussion of the ideas of Luxemburg and Tugan-Baranovsky.

2 For a discussion of Hannah Arendt’s views on “human rights” see Birmingham (2006). The present note can be seen as a preliminary attempt to revisit the question raised by Arendt by locating “rights” within a theory of political praxis against the “spontaneity” of capitalism.


Birmingham, Peg (2006): Hannah Arendt and Human Rights: The Predicament of Common Responsibility (Bloomington: Indiana University Press).
Kalecki, Michael (1971): “The Problem of Effective Demand with Roza Luxemburg and Tugan-Baranovsky” in Selected Essays on the Dynamics of the Capitalist Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity Press).

Luxemburg, Roza (1963): The Accumulation of Capital (London: Routledge). Patnaik, Prabhat (2010): “Socialism or Reformism?”, Social Scientist, May-June. Patnaik, Utsa (2007): “Neoliberalism and Rural Poverty”, Economic & Political Weekly, 28 July-3 August.

– (2010): “Trends in Urban Poverty under Economic Reforms 1993-94 to 2004-05”, Economic & P oli tical Weekly, 23-29 January.

This paper owes much to discussions with Akeel Bilgrami and Rajendra Prasad. Prabhat Patnaik ( is at the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Courtesy: Dr. D.Mukherjee

Monday, July 26, 2010




In a blow to the Maoists, one of their top leaders was killed along with five other Maoists after a night-long encounter with security forces at Motera jungle in the district which also left a CRPF commando dead.

Acting on an intelligence tip-off, special teams of CRPF and anti-Naxal force SAF conducted an operation in the dense forests under Golatore police station last night which continued till the wee hours this morning, official sources said.

The Maoists, who were caught by surprise fired back and during the more than four-hour-long gunbattle that followed, six were killed, West Midnapore Superintendent of Police Manoj Verma told PTI in Kolkata.

In the encounter, Sidhu Soren, the chief of Sidhu-Kanhu Gana Militia, who was wanted in several cases of murder, arson and kidnappings was shot dead, the sources said.

Soren, who was also the secretary of the Maoist-based People’s Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA), was in the news earlier this year after he fell out with the political leadership of the outfit and spurned Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee’s offer for talks.

SAF commando Ashish Tiwari was killed in the gunbattle, they said.

“We have found six bodies of the Maoists, including that of a woman cadre,” Verma said.

Twelve weapons, including SLRs and INSAS rifles, were recovered from the spot.

Earlier, on June 16 the joint forces had shot dead 12 Maoists, including three women cadre at Ranja forest under Salboni police station in the same district.




Sunday, July 25, 2010



An expanded translation of a Janashakti report on the Dalit agitations lead by CPI (M) in Karnataka.

Anguished and devastated, a huge number of the exploited people from the Dalit Community from different parts of Karnataka gathered in Bengaluru. They raised their voice against the malpractices in the name of casteism. They also voiced their opinions asking for their right for adequate food. Last June, Thousands of people from dalit community led by CPI(M) conducted a dharna infront of Chief Minister’s house demanding the government to fulfill their basic demands.

It is a matter of great concern that no perceptible change in the living conditions of the people belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who constitute a considerably big section of our society, could be achieved, even after six decades of Independence. Several studies have shown that the Constitutional provisions of reservations in employment and education have not properly reached them yet. Even the figures given by the Karnataka Human Development Report, 2005 corroborate this. The atrocities and social boycotts inflicted on Dalits by caste-Hindus in the State, almost on daily basis, highlight their weaker status, helplessness and Govt.’s apathy. The increasing number incidents of dishonouring statues of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar occurring in various parts of the State, only further prove this fact.

The downtrodden in Karnataka form about 26.5 % of the population, and without improving their conditions, there can be no meaningful development of Karnataka. From centuries, this community has been exploited incessantly, and without empowering them economically, socially and educationally, it makes little or no sense when we boast about the development India is undergoing.
Since the BJP governance has begun in Karnataka, there has been increasing oppression of the Dalits by the upper castes of the society. BJP government has acquired an image of being pro-upper castes, and this has turned to be the magic wand for the Upper castes to continue with their oppression against the Dalits.

The property-less people

These people, who were denied of properties under the Varnashrama system, are still dependent on upper caste landlords. Economically, these communities are worse-off. On several occasions, the forces of lanlordism extract unpaid labour from them. The lands got by Dalit beneficiaries under Land Reforms are still in the possession of the landlords. Lakhs of Dalit families have been pushed out of their lands due to loopholes in the Land Reforms Act, and reduced to the status of agricultural labourers. Bulk of this section has to depend on the low-income agricultural sector. To this day, the Upper caste land owners get these people to do menial jobs, without paying them any wages. About 75 % of the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe from the rural population are still surviving on daily wage labour. Their average income per day has not increased beyond Rs.25. Daily wage labour opportunities have reduced to only 70 days per year.

The annual income of a typical Dalit family has not increased beyond Rs.4000. As a consequence, child labour, and the unfortunate Devadaasi system have perpetuated.

Literacy rate has not been able to reach 50%. The proportion of children remaining out of primary schools is 5%, while that of high schools is 18%. They are unable to purchase healthcare. Undernourishment is so grim that 70% of infants die at that stage itself, and of the remaining. 38% die before reaching the age of 5 years. About 30 % of the pregnant Dalit women do not get adequate care during pregnancy. About 80% of the Dalits do not own a house to live in. Even now, 30% have to live under kerosene light. There are no cemeteries with adequate space for burial of the dead.

Devadasi : Remnants of feudal system

The Devadasi Abolition Act of Bombay State and a similar Act of Madras Government are in force in the Bombay Karnataka Area and in Bellary District respectively. But the Devadasi System is still in force in some parts of Karnataka and the women who are inducted to this system are in a pitiable condition and end up in prostitution for a living. The women are all devadasis, literally slaves of the goddess. As children their parents gave them to serve Yellama - the goddess of fertility. Her cult is thousands of years old, her followers spread across southern India. At the temple to Yellama in Saundatti women dance and praise the goddess. The practice of dedicating young girls as devadasis has been outlawed for over 50 years, but still it happens. Being devadasis means they are slaves of the goddess. When girls dedicated to Yellama reach puberty they are forced to sacrifice their virginity to an older man. What follows is a life of sexual slavery, they become sanctified prostitutes.

With such a reality infront of us, the liberalization policies being followed by the Government and the recurring droughts have further worsened the situation. The portion of funds allocated for the Dalits from the state budget is not in proportion with their population, it is minuscule. But, the funds allocated to other departments of the Government are either never used or misused, the latter being the case, most of the times. Under circumstances such as these, CPI(M) had organized protests in front of the Chief Minister's residence in Bengaluru, pressurizing the fulfillment of these demands.

Sugar that can't be savored

CPI(M) Polit Bureau member K.Varadarajan, who participated in the protest, during his speech said that even after more than 60 years of Independence the existence of practices like untouchability, emanating from casteism is a matter of shame and disgrace. Instances of social segregation and abolishment occur even today as we speak. He expressed his discontent by saying that the existence of laws against untouchability is just like sugar on paper, which cannot be savored. The social,economic and political conditions of the Dalits are worrisome, he said. Land is being snatched away from them as a common occurrence. He also added that daily wage workers are migrating into cities aspiring for better wages.

Types of Untouchability

He said that Untouchability had become a common occurrence, observable ubiquitously. According to a survey conducted, in Andhra Pradesh there are 148 different practices pertaining to Untouchability, likewise 92 in Tamil Nadu. In this regard, CPI(M) has been consolidating numerous protests. He said that apart from pursuing struggles on the economic front, CPI(M) was also active in the social front, trying to tackle issues of prime concern. Casteism was being maneuvered by religion and an urgent need had arisen to fight against blind religious beliefs. He reached out toeveryone saying that, each had a role to play in annihilating this inhumane peril called casteism. In this regard, he said, CPI(M) had taken up numerous struggles all across India.

Inhumane exploitation

The campaign leader for the day, Maruti Manpade, CPI(M) State Leader directly blamed BJP for all the increasing atrocities against the Dalits. Caste instigated crime, social segregation, have been increasing profusely all across the state and the Government was giving no heed to address this issue, he said. In the Siddhaganga and the Pejawar Mutts in Karnataka, the devotees are discriminated into two different streams for the food served, and none of the Mutt Leaders have taken a stand against this double standard. He also said that the government was being negligent with respect to the Devdaasi women. These women are in a pitiful state, surviving by begging. In Bagalkote district alone there about 50,000 orphans, born to the Devadaasis. But the Government was being inhumane and ignoring them, was his accusation. There is a State committee for Dalit rights headed by the Chief Minister, but has failed to meet even once. Not even 30% of the allocated special funds has been spent on them. He accused Yediyurappa to have nullified all the constitutional provisions for the Dalits.

CPI(M) leader, P.Neela, said that, Dalits instead of asking for their rights need to snatch it back. Being comical she said that, Karnataka was built by Dalits, and not by the ones who drink milk, eat curds and ring bells. She complained about the lack of facilities to mill workers and farming wage labourers by the state Government. And by this she concluded that BJP has proven it's anti-Dalit nature.

Former parliamentarian and CPI(M) State Secretary, G.V.Sriraamareddy said that, the Communists in India have been fighting for the cause of Dalits even before Independence, and History is the witness for it. The campaign for Dalits, land for sowers, were started by the CPI(M). The Communist Governments in West Bengal, Kerala, and Tripura have successfully implemented stringent laws against casteism and have been able to provide land to the people from backward classes. He also added that, just by making a Dalit minister, the Dalits cannot be redeemed. Be it Mr. Kharge who has been a minister for three decades, or the Chief Minister Mayawati cannot solve the problems Dalits are facing. The session was presided over by State Secretary, Com.V.J.K.Nair. Social Welfare Minister D.Sudhakar, accepted the pleas and committed to discuss with the Chief Minister. The session was also presided over by State committee members, Com. Nityanandhaswami and G.C.Bayya Reddy.


Following demands were submitted to Minister of Social Welfare, D. Sudhakar and the government was demanded to initiate a discussion on these demands, take suitable action for arranging a joint meeting of representatives of our Party and concerned Ministers/ senior officials:

1. The State Budget should provide for 23.65% of its outlay for the SC/ST population, in proportion to their population in the State. And STs should be provided reservation of 7% as provided by the Central Govt., instead of the current provision of 3%.

2. The un-utilisation of outlays during the prescribed period provided for various Departments under the Govt. should be considered as ‘dereliction of duty’. Those misusing funds provided for Dalits should be proceeded against under Atrocities Act.

3. All the laws against atrocities on Dalits, untouchability and caste discrimination should be strictly implemented. The complaints should be addressed to speedily and the culprits punished. Witnesses should be provided with protection and financial assistance. The crimes like boycott and blackmail should be added to the purview of Prevention of Atrocities on SCs and STs Act, 1989.

4. Complete economic rehabilitation should be immediately provided to the Dalit victims of atrocities. To prevent delays in provision of justice, Special Courts should be provided with Judges and Public Prosecutors. SC/ST Commission should be strengthened with appointments of Judges and Social Scientists.

5. Re-investigation of the burning alive of Dalits of Kambalapally in Chinthamani district should be ordered. Rigorous punishment should be handed out to the culprits and maximum relief should be provided to the victims. Lands should be allotted to the Dalit villagers of Chitta, Kadakola, and Marakambi. Similarly, the victimised Dalit families in Danapur, Gabbur, Hunasawadi, Halakere, Lakkasandra and Lakshmisagar should be provided with relief.

6. Refusal of temple entry, two tumblers system in the hotels, refusal of entry into public lakes, wells and taps and also hair-cutting saloons, forced unpaid labour and such other practices of untouchability should be strictly halted. And continuous campaigns of enlightening people on these practices should be carried out. The system of separate provision for meals based on castes in vogue in Udupi Sri Krishna Mutt and in other Mutts should be banned.

7. Reservation facility in Private Sector should be immediately implemented. All backlog posts should be filled up. Discrimination in promotion to Dalit employees, delaying or avoiding promotions and such other misdeeds should be stopped. Sewerage workers and sweepers should be released from contract labour and regularized as permanent employees. The systems of child-labour and bonded labour should be eliminated and rehabilitation should be provided to them.

8. Hostels for Dalit students at hobli, taluk and district levels should be opened in adequate numbers. All Dalit students applying for hostels should get admission. Buildings and other infrastructural facilities should be provided for all Dalit Hostels. The monthly food stipend for students in Dalit Hostels should be increased from Rs.1000 to Rs.2000. Scholarships for Dalit students should be increased to the maximum extent. Priority should be given for education of children of Devadasi women.

9. The opportunities for self-employment of Dalit youth should be increased. The Loan facilities with lower interest and 50% subsidy should be increased. One-time writing-off of loans obtained from SC/ST Corporation. Minimum individual loan of Rs. 4 lakhs for SHGs of Dalit women. Restraints on political influences and corruption in the selection of Dalit beneficieries.

10.Universalisation of Public Distribution System and all Dalit households should be enabled to get the benefit without any condition. The minimum daily wage of agricultural labour should be increased to Rs,200.

11.Housing facility for Dalit families should be provided. Comprehensive Land Reforms should be carried out and minimum 2 acres should be distributed to landless Dalit households.

12.Steps to be taken for implementation of Tribal & Other Traditional Forest Dwellers( Forest Rights) Act, 2006 in the State. One more opportunity for applying for regularization should be given to those cultivating Govt. lands. The applications submitted earlier and not settled yet, should be speedily settled and rejected applications should be reconsidered.

13.The fresh enumeration list of Devadasi women should be accepted and all Devadasi women should be provided with pension and rehabilitation. The Govt. should provide incentive of Rs. 1 lakh for inter-caste and Devadasi remarriage programmes.

14.Dalit households should be enabled to get continuous work by be proper implementation of the NREGA. The Scheme should be extended to urban areas. Daily wage should be enhanced to Rs. 200.

15.Allottment of preparation of the mid-day meal to private agencies should be withdrawn and rural dalit, backward women should be enabled to get employment. They should be given decent wages.

16. The legislation banning beef should be withdrawn and the food right of the Dalits should be restored.

Courtesy: Dr. D.Mukherjee

Wednesday, July 21, 2010


Anirban Roy, Wednesday, July 21, 2010

Mamata Banerjee is hardly known for her ground-breaking work in the railway ministry. She doesn't attend Parliament, is absent from her office on most days and the country has seen some of the worst train accidents in her tenure.

Why then is she so assiduously clinging on to a chair in which she clearly has no interest? The answer, perhaps, lies in the bottomless depths of the railways' coffers and the ample publicity opportunities the ministry offers.

It seems Mamata has managed to turn the ministry into a personal publicity tool to help boost her image in West Bengal as she eyes the chief minister's chair.

So what does she do? She flags off new trains, inaugurates computerised ticketing centres and lays foundation stones of new railway projects.

In the process, she turns all such apparently innocuous events into a platform for political campaign for the next assembly elections in West Bengal, just a few months away.

It is at this point that railway ministry funds come in handy. She unabashedly commissions full-page colour display advertisements in the major English and regional language newspapers, courtesy the railway ministry, to publicise her dos.
All the commercials invariably show Mamata as a model minister for railways and are usually printed on weekends, when the minister is generally in

"What do people gain by knowing that the railway ministry is beginning to lay additional lines? The advertising funds should instead be used for developing amenities at stations," Ardhendu Choudhury, a West Bengal-based professor, said.

A scan of the past three months' major newspapers in Kolkata showed that the Eastern Railway and the South Eastern Railway, on an average, have been inserting two display colour advertisements every week to publicise Mamata's programmes.

This even led to allegations that the Eastern Railway and the South Eastern Railway - both headquartered in Kolkata - had turned into "an extension of (Mamata's) Trinamool".

Eastern Railway's general manager V.N. Tripathi and general manager of South Eastern Railway A.P. Mishra were not available for comment.

The advertised railway functions are always attended by Trinamool Congress leaders in full force. Be it party MPs, Union ministers, MLAs or councillors of civic bodies, all find time to attend "Didi's" function.

Interestingly, though, none of the state government representatives, ministers or chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, ever get an invite.

State PWD minister Kshiti Goswami was perhaps the only exception to this "rule". The Left Front leader was invited by the Eastern Railway to attend a flagging- off ceremony of three local trains on July 11 at the Dhakuria railway station in Kolkata.

However, Goswami refused to attend the programme as a sign of loyalty to his party.

"She (Mamata) is using the railway programmes for her electoral gains," Goswami said.

Echoing Goswami's feelings, state urban affairs minister Asok Bhattacharjee also complained that if Mamata did not rise above narrow regional politics, she would be paid back in her own coin.

Indeed, Mamata seems to be doing little to dispel this notion.

When she presented the Union railway budget this year, she snatched away huge funds from several states and allocated them to West Bengal instead.

Ten out of the total 24 proposed major projects were for her state.

On Tuesday, Left Front leaders bayed for Mamata's blood after the Sainthia train accident which killed 66 people.

Mamata had announced exgratia of Rs 5 lakh and jobs to the family members of those killed in the accident, Rs 1 lakh for the grievously injured and Rs 25,000 for those who sustained minor injuries.

To this, CPM leader Shyamal Chakraborty said: "Can monetary compensation bring back the lives of the people killed? She is trying to use the railway ministry for Trinamool Congress's electoral gains."

Courtesy: Mail Today


Courtesy: Dr.D.Mukherjee


Courtesy: Dr.D.Mukherjee


Courtesy: Dr. D.Mukherjee


Courtesy: Dr. D. Mukherjee


Courtesy: Dr. D. Mukherjee



Tuesday, July 20, 2010


Politics News
[+] 55 recent

'Union Minister's kin supplied arms to Naxals'
Sumon K Chakrabarti , CNN-IBN Posted on Jul 16, 2010 at 21:27 Updated Jul 16, 2010 at 22:28

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New Delhi/Kolkata: Startling allegations have been made about the Trinamool Congress by a Maoist leader who was recently arrested in West Bengal.

Madhushudan Mondal, a CPI-Maoist leader, revealed during interrogation that TMC MP Subhendu Adhikari had supplied arms and ammunition to the Maoists, especially during the Nandigram agitation in 2007.

Mondal, Nandigram zonal committee head of the CPI-Maoists, told West Bengal police that Adhikari was supplying arms and ammunition to the Maoists during the Nandigram agitation in 2007.

The MP from Tamluk had reportedly supplied over 1,000 rounds of ammunition to the Maoist cadre in Nandigram. At the beginning of the agitation in 2007, Maoist leader Sudip Chongder (now West Bengalstate secretary of the Maoist party) had brought four .303 rifles and eighteen .315 rifles and a carbine.

The weapons were handed over to Trinamool Congress leader Nishikanta Mondal who later distributed those to several Trinamool Congress activists in the Nandigram area for defence against the armed gangsters of the ruling Marxist party.

The Maoists had planned to assassinate former Marxist MP Laxman Seth who controlled the entire Midnapore region. However, Adhikari rubbished the allegations, saying these are politically motivated reports.

Adhikari is the son of Union Minister of State for Rural Development Sisir Kumar Adhikari. He and his father led the Trinamool Congress-led fight against the Left Front government's plans to acquire land inNandigram which had led to police firing in March 2007, killing 14 unarmed villagers.

But the interrogation is not admissible as evidence in the court of law as it was a confession given in front of the police. But it sure has the potential to snowball into a major political controversy in the state.


Courtesy: Dr. D. Mukherjee





The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:

The Polit Bureau expresses its shock and sorrow at the terrible railway accident due to the collision of two trains in Sainthia railway station leading to the tragic death of at least 60 persons. It conveys its deep condolences to the families of those killed and sympathy to those injured.

The number of rail accidents has been unprecedented in the last one year. Maintenance of equipment and safety measures are being neglected in the railways. One lakh jobs in safety related jobs remain vacant. The government cannot keep quiet about the present state of affairs in the railways.


Sunday, July 18, 2010


The private alliance between the Trinamool Congress and the CPI (Maoist) has been exposed.

WBCID claims Trinamool MP from Tamluk Subhendu Adhikari supplied arms to Naxals.

Subhendu Adhikari, the Trinamool Congress MP from Tamluk, close to Nandigram, had supplied over 1,000 rounds of ammunition to the Maoist party cadre in Nandigram, claims the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of West Bengal police.

Adhikari, the son of Union minister of state in the ministry of rural development Sisir Kumar Adhikari, was active during the Trinamool Congress-led fight against the Left Front government's plans to acquire land in Nandigram. This had first led to police firing in March 2007 and later to a pitched battle between Maoist cadres and the police in August 2008.

According to the CID's interrogation of Madhusudan Mondal, the Maoist zonal committee secretary for Nandigram, the Maoists set up a base in Nandigram only after March 2007 and began arming the local cadres with the help of Trinamool Congress.

The CID had arrested Mondal on June 29 from Amtala in South 24-Parganas district. A copy of the interrogation report of the Maoist leader is available with Mail Today. Mondal told the police that Adhikari supplied ammunition for the CPI (Maoist) members to fight the CPI (M) and the police in Nandigram. Meanwhile, the over ground activists of the Maoist party along with the Trinamool and others had set up the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) to mobilise people against land acquisition.

Adhikari termed the report as totally false, and said it was being circulated with the intention to malign him.

"Our movement was a non-violent movement," he claimed, adding that Trinamool members were rather victims of the CPI (M)' s armed attacks in Nandigram.
"If we used arms, why was no one from the other side injured or killed?" Adhikari questioned. He said it was an attempt by West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to target the Trinamool Congress.

About 35 Marxist cadres, including two local committee secretaries-from the Kendamari local committee and Sonachura local committee-were killed over one and half years of the Maoist-led fight against the CPI (M).

Adhikari is a commerce graduate. He was a member of the West Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee and later president of the Trinamool youth wing in Midnapore. He has declared assets worth Rs 5 crore, including buildings, apartments and non-agricultural land.

Mail Today dated 15-07-2010

Courtesy: Dr. D. Mukherjee


By Subir Bhaumik BBC News, Calcutta, 15 JULY, 2010

Trinamul Congress has denied links with the Maoists

A Maoist leader in India has told the police that he had "close links" with an ally of the Congress-led government.

Madhushudan Mondal, a rebel leader in West Bengal state, was recently held by the police.

He told them he had worked "in close co-ordination" with Bengal's main opposition Trinamul Congress party, according to a police report obtained by the BBC.

The Trinamul Congress has always denied any links with the Maoist rebels.

It is an ally of the ruling Congress-led government in Delhi, and its leader, Mamata Banerjee, is the federal railway minister.

West Bengal is one of 20 states in India where the rebels have a presence.

Mr Mondal told the police during questioning that the rebels had helped the Trinamul Congress party to organise a "peasant rebellion" in the restive Nandigram area of West Bengal.

Nandigram was convulsed by violent protests three years ago, as residents opposed plans to set up an economic zone there.

'People's resistance'

Trouble started after the Marxist-led communist government in West Bengal tried to acquire a swathe of agricultural land in the area to allow Indonesia's Salem group to set up a hub for chemical industries.

Nandigram saw a lot of violence in 2007

More than 40 people died in clashes between the communists and opposition Trinamul Congress supporters in the area during the unrest.

Mr Mondal told police that Maoist rebels had procured and handed over weapons to a Trinamul Congress leader, Nishikanta Mondal, and some supporters to "organise people's resistance", the interrogation report says.

He said the weapons had been distributed among Trinamul Congress supporters to take on armed Communist party supporters in Nandigram.

Mr Mondal said the rebels had helped the Trinamul Congress leader - who later died in a clash - to set up a local small arms factory, and establish an arms training camp for the party supporters.

He said some figures within the party had "regularly purchased ammunition" from the rebels.

But Trinamul Congress MP Subhendu Adhikary dismissed the allegations against his party as police conspiracy to defame them.

"Our political ideology and that of the Maoists are totally different. We don't believe in violence, these allegations are baseless," Mr Adhikary told the BBC.

West Bengal's ruling Marxists have alleged that some Trinamul Congress leaders and supporters have "strong links" with the Maoist rebels, a charge the opposition party has always denied.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has described the Maoist insurgency as India's biggest internal security challenge.

Source: BBC

Courtesy: Dr. D. Mukherjee

Saturday, July 17, 2010


July 16, 2010

Dr. Manmohan Singh
Hon’ble Prime Minister
Government of India
New Delhi

Dear Dr. Manmohan Singh ji,

A day after your initiative in calling a meeting of Chief Ministers of Maoist Affected States comes fresh evidence of the direct contacts and support to the Maoists by leaders of a party which is part of the ruling alliance and also represented in the Central Cabinet. I enclose a copy of the front page report published in Mail Today on July 16, which gives details of the links between an elected MP of the Trinamool Congress and the Maoists in the Nandigram area of West Bengal including the supply of arms and ammunition to the Maoists.

My Party has written to you with evidence of these links on an earlier occasion also. In view of the fresh disclosures, I hope the Central Government will show the political will to take appropriate action in the national interest.

With regards,

Yours sincerely,
Brinda Karat

Friday, July 16, 2010


NEW DELHI: The nationwide strike, called for September 7 by major trade unions, including the INTUC affiliated to the Congress, will be the largest show of strength of the organised movement to protect the rights of workers and the ruling UPA must heed the voice of the people, Communist Party of India's parliamentary party leader Gurudas Dasgupta said on Thursday.

Never before has the Indian National Trade Union Congress joined the call for a strike, and its president G. Sanjeev Reddy is a party to a joint declaration adopted by nine trade unions at a national convention here. Despite the unions' repeated demand for effective steps to check the sharp rise in the prices of essential commodities, the Centre had not responded.

On earlier occasions, the INTUC chose not to strike work arguing that it would lead to loss of production, but now decided to join hands with the other unions, he said.

While the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, which owes allegiance to the BJP, pulled out, the other unions, including the CPI-affiliated All-India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), the Hind Mazdoor Sabha (HMS), the All-India United Trade Union Centre (AIUTUC), the Trade Union Coordination Centre (TUCC), the All-India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU), the United Trade Union Centre (UTUC) and the Labour Progressive Front (LPF) have backed the call.

Besides highlighting price rise, the declaration also demanded strict enforcement of basic labour laws and condemned the increasing practice of contract labour and outsourcing and disinvestment of the public sector enterprises.

Thursday, July 15, 2010



14 July 2010

The Civil Nuclear Liability Bill bears the handiwork of the US nuclear industry lobby. This is not the path India should tread. The Bill in its current form should be scrapped as it has been drawn up keeping the interests of the nuclear suppliers and operators. A new Bill which starts with the interests of the victims of such an accident as its core concern needs to be drafted instead.

The UPA Government has introduced the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill in Parliament, which seeks to cap the liability of nuclear plant operators and the equipment suppliers in case there is an accident involving a nuclear installation.

This legislation is being pushed by the Government because of pressure from the US equipment suppliers and investors put through the US administration at the highest levels. The US has made a precondition that India must put a cap on liability of the nuclear operators and virtually remove all liabilities of the equipment suppliers before it delivers on its promises in the India US Nuclear Deal. This is the genesis of the current Bill and not the interest of the victims of a nuclear incident.

We give below the major concerns that we have with the Bill in its current form.


The Government has made it clear that it is interested in joining the Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC) and the proposed Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill, 2010 has been drafted to make it compatible with CSC. It is important to note that making it compatible with CSC follows directly from the commitment made by the UPA government when it entered into the Indo-US nuclear deal. This commitment was made in writing by the then foreign secretary, Shiv Sankar Menon in a letter to the US under secretary, William Burns, (September 10, 2008), which stated,

It is the intention of the Government of India and its entities to commence discussions with nuclear energy firms and conclude agreements after entry into force of the Agreement for cooperation in the construction of nuclear power units at two sites approved by the Government of India which would be capable of generating a minimum of 10,000 MWe…India also recognises the importance of establishing an adequate nuclear liability regime and it is the intention of the Indian Government to take all steps to adhere to the Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC) for nuclear damage...

US nuclear industry and the US Administration want all countries which receive US manufactured nuclear equipment to sign the CSC and indemnify the US suppliers. The key difference between the CSC and other similar international conventions is the degree of protection offered to the suppliers – CSC provides the maximum protection to the US suppliers. The reason that the US Government is pressing India to draw up a Nuclear Liability Bill that is consistent with CSC is simply because it protects the suppliers completely from litigation from damages from the victims and the operator.

Omer F Brown, the key spokesperson for the US nuclear industry articulated the US position on the need for nuclear liability law in India while speaking at a business summit in Mumbai in December 2006:

Currently, India does not have a nuclear liability law covering its facilities. Therefore, concerns over nuclear liability would be a major impediment to any nuclear trade with India…Most US nuclear suppliers would not be willing to work in India without nuclear liability protection.

US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert Blake informed House Foreign Affairs Committee last year, “We are hoping to see action on nuclear liability legislation that would reduce liability for American companies and allow them to invest in India…”. Recently, he said in an interview (10th March 2010):

We also are very much hoping that the Indian government will proceed with very important legislation on nuclear liability, that will be very important protection for American companies who are seeking to do more business in the civil nuclear area, in India. And, we were very gratified to learn that the President of India has announced India’s intention to introduce this bill in the current session of the Indian Parliament.

The Statement of Aims and Objects of the Bill makes it clear that the Bill has been drawn up to be consistent with CSC. It further goes on to state that a Nuclear Liability Bill is required as there is no provision currently to handle compensation and damage in the event of a nuclear accident. This is incorrect as the current law as clarified by the Supreme Court in its judgement on the Oleum leak case from Sri Ram Food and Fertilisers in 1987 had made clear that the industry operating hazardous plants had absolute liability including that for environmental damage. The only issue is how this liability is to be translated into practice – the modalities of handling liability claims. Under the guise of drawing up the modalities of handling claims, the Bill seeks to change the fundamental character of the liability regime itself in the case of a nuclear accident.

The government has argued that by joining the CSC, it can access international funds to compensate victims of nuclear accidents including trans-boundary victims. Only 13 countries have joined the CSC out of which only four have ratified it, the only major country being the US, which was the country steering this Convention. In the case of a nuclear accident, the amount from this Convention would be a small amount (computed by some experts to only about $ 50 million). Therefore indemnifying supplier from all liability in order to get a mere $ 50 million from CSC does not appear credible.


In line with the CSC, Nuclear Liability Bill exempts the suppliers from virtually any liability to pay compensation for the damages caused. What Westinghouse and General Electric want is that even the limited liability which accrued to Union Carbide in the case of Bhopal gas leak ($470 million as per the settlement approved by the Supreme Court) should not fall on them.

The government has argued that as per clause 17 (a), a foreign supplier can be liable if such a clause is included in the contract between the operator and the supplier. What it does not say is that neither the public sector Nuclear Power Corporation of India, which is the Indian operator, nor the American company, which will be the supplier, will include such a liability clause in the contract. If this law is passed and if there is a faulty design or a manufacturing defect in a reactor supplied by a US company, the operator or the victim of an accident has no right to claim damages from the supplier. The other clause, 17 (b), cited by the government is the one by which the operator has the right to recourse against the supplier only if the nuclear accident has resulted due to a “wilful act or gross negligence” on the part of the supplier. This makes it extremely difficult to hold the supplier liable as proving that faulty design or other defects are due to wilful action or gross negligence will be well nigh impossible.

The Government has also provided a cap for liability of Rs. 500 crore for the operator. Since the right to recourse belongs only to the operator in this Bill, this automatically caps whatever residual liability remains with the supplier to a sum of Rs. 500 crore. The clauses 35 and the clause 46 as currently drafted do not allow any role of the courts in any liability claims against the suppliers.


The cap put on the liability of the operator is Rs 500 crore while the overall financial liability for a nuclear accident is capped at around Rs 2140 crore. The reason why the liability of the operator is limited to Rs 500 crore is because the government wants to bring in private operators in the nuclear sector. The law will, therefore, limit the liability of Indian or foreign private companies who operate reactors to Rs 500 crore. Any amount to be paid above this cap will be footed by the government. In this manner, the government will subsidise private operators, including foreign companies, in the future.

Thus, the people will have to pay with their lives or health in the case of a nuclear accident, but the profits of US companies and the corporate sector in India will be protected by limiting their liability. In the case of Bhopal, the compensation paid by the Union Carbide amounted to Rs 713 crore ($470 million) at the exchange rate prevailing in 1989. A nuclear accident may involve casualties on a much larger scale than Bhopal. Given that a serious nuclear accident can cause damage in billions, the small cap of 300 million SDRs (Rs 2140 crore) proposed shows the scant regard the Central Government holds for the Indian people.

Any damage beyond this will not be compensated either by the Government or by the nuclear operator,which in the present case is a state operator. Given that accidents like Chernobyl and Three Mile Island, the two most well known nuclear accidents in history, have caused billions of worth of damages; this effectively means abandoning the victims in case of a nuclear accident. Such low caps on the operator will provide a perverse incentive on the operator to cut costs and play with plant safety. Many more Bhopals and Warren Andersons could recur if such a liability regime is put in place.


If there are lessons to be learnt from the tragic episode of Bhopal, it is that there should be strict laws which will assign civil liability and ensure that criminal liability is also pinned down. There can be no compromise with the lives and safety of the Indian people.

The Civil Nuclear Liability Bill bears the handiwork of the US nuclear industry lobby. This is not the path India should tread. The Bill in its current form should be scrapped as it has been drawn up keeping the interests of the nuclear suppliers and operators. A new Bill which starts with the interests of the victims of such an accident as its core concern needs to be drafted instead.


Friday, July 9, 2010



The Chairperson

National Human Rights Commission

New Delhi


Most respected Sir,

This has reference to my letter dated 02-05-2010.

As an ordinary humble citizen of the country, I would like to invite your immediate attention to the following fact again.

Your esteemed organization had taken 14 unfortunate deaths at Nandigram on 14-03-2007 in West Bengal and even issued press statements promptly condemning the incident and the Left Front Government. You had also sent fact finding teams to West Bengal This action on your part had received widespread coverage in the media at that time both within the country and abroad.

But you did not use even a single word to condemn the provocation of the rainbow alliance of virgin Marxists, ultra Communists, political opportunists, renegades, NGOs, fundamentalists, right wing and left wing intelligentsia; all fervently anti-CPI (M) culminating in these 14 unfortunate deaths. Today also you maintain complete silence over the ghastly murders committed by the Maoists in West Bengal. As a result, this has raised many a questions in the minds of the people about the impartiality and objectivity of your esteemed organization.

It is needless to mention that the Indian Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee's greatest achievements in West Bengal today is the peculiar beehive of all fervently anti-CPI (M) forces she has constructed around herself.

As a matter of fact, blatant hypocrisy, vicious jealousy, megalomania, denigration, intolerance and bigotry - all the typical characteristics are getting detonated on this new platform provided by Mamata Banerjee. The issues of Nandigram, Singur and Rijwanur Rehman were created by the conglomeration for petty electoral gains. Your organization also reportedly helped it in all possible manners knowingly or unknowingly.

This assembly is the last hope to 'liberate' the ‘“so-called”’ despaired and strained Bengal populace from thirty-two years of uninterrupted Left Front rule in the elections to be held in 2011 as has been done in different European countries to dislodge Leftist Governments with the help of imperialists, corporate media and finance capital.

In fact, “so-called” social activists Arundhati Roy, Mahasweta Devi, Medha Patkar, actress Aparna Sen and other intellectuals and human right activists sharing same opinion and boat are bent upon pushing India into a civil war in the name of fighting for the “so-called” cause of the tribals. Their destructive and hideous role during Nandigram and Singur episodes and support to the Maoist slaughterers, rapists and plunderers has emboldened the Maoist terrorists to carry on their criminal and gruesome activities uninterrupted.

These “so-called” intellectuals are very much apprehensive and worried for the safety and security of the perverted Maoist butchers and rapists in India, who have been carrying on their nefarious and criminal inhuman brutalities on the common people ranging from amassing huge wealth, destruction of natural resources, plunder, rape, murder, extortion, blowing up schools, health centres, railway tracks, torture and Kangaroo trial using the indigenous people as pawns and human shields. Out of her utter sympathy and compassion for the Maoist butchers and rapists, social activist Arundhati Roy has initiated a mass petition on 12th October 09 to the Prime Minister of India urging him to stop offensive against them and their brutalities under the pretext of civil rights. She has obtained the signatures of renowned dignitaries within the country and abroad to make the petition more acceptable, significant and weighty in order to glorify and justify the Maoist cruelties and violence particularly on the indigenous people. If Arundhati Roy and other signatories were really interested for the well being of the indigenous people, they would have also petitioned openly to the perverted Maoist butchers in the same manner, style and spirit urging them to desist from wreaking havoc on the indigenous people by using them as pawn and shield for suiting the tainted Maoist political agenda. But it is not so. The one and only one aim and objective of the petition is to push India into civil war and create sympathy for the Maoists and justify, glorify and legitimize their mindless shocking brutalities.

The society demands timely disposal of the dead body of even a creature. But the entire world witnessed with horror how the dead bodies of 4 poor tribal CPI (M) cadres butchered by Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI Alliance were kept in open for 5 days without allowing disposal by the Maoist-TMC criminals at Lalgarh in West Bengal. Their relatives were neither allowed to come near nor touch the dead bodies. The Maoists and TMC workers danced and sang around the bodies in the same manner as is practiced by cannibals. Their brutality and inhumanity surpassed all limits of human tolerance and society.

These “so-called” Indian intellectuals and human right activists had played an important role during Nandigram and Singur episodes to extend moral and logical support to the rainbow alliance of TMC, Congress, Maoists and SUCI under Mamata Banerjee. They had unleashed widespread virulent, venomous, exaggerated and politically motivated campaign throughout the world and organized processions, rallies, meetings, and mass signatures and so on against the mainstream Leftists over the unfortunate death of 14 persons in Nandigram resulting from provoked police firing where as they maintain complete silence over regular murders committed by the Maoists. Many of them had directly or indirectly worked actively for the victory of Maoist and Mamata Banerjee supported Congress-TMC-SUCI candidates in West Bengal in the last Parliamentary elections held in May 09 making the Nandigram, Singur and Rijwanur Rehaman episodes important election issues.

Despite this, these ‘pseudo’ Indian intellectuals all along shamelessly pretend to be impartial, neutral and non-political.

More than 87% landowners had consented to offer their land for the establishment of an automobile factory at Singur. But it was abandoned due to the political agitation of Mamata Banerjee and her team consisting of opposition political parties, Maoists, some intellectuals, few human right activists and a section of motivated media. Singur had nothing to do with SEZ.

Similarly, in spite of repeated assurances by the Chief Minister of West Bengal that no chemical hub would be set up at Nandigram, Mamata Banerjee and her team had caused the unfortunate incident on 14th March 2007 by way of utter provocation and manipulation resulting in 14 unfortunate deaths.

Had these intellectuals been impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased the incidents of neither Singur nor Nandigram would have taken place.

The Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI butchers under the leadership of the Union Railway Minister have murdered brutally hundreds of CPI (M) and other Leftist leaders, cadres and supporters in West Bengal. They have blown up school buildings, health centres, mobile towers, railway lines, railways stations and what not. But these intellectuals and human right activists are maintaining complete silence. They think that only the Maoists are human beings and as such have access to civil rights. Except the Maoists, none in the country can have any human rights and the murder of hundreds of people by Maoists is, therefore, justified and a need for the society. So, they have not yet uttered even a single word to condemn the crimes of the Maoists.

Every murder is unfortunate and condemnable. Had this group of intellectuals and human right activists played an impartial role and stopped lending moral and logical support to the Maoist butchers, the unfortunate deaths at Nandigram and other parts of the country could have been avoided easily. But the fact was that Mamata Banerjee and her rainbow alliance needed some dead bodies for winning the parliamentary elections in West Bengal riding over sympathy wave and the intellectuals and human rights activists presented the same in time to suit her political agenda.

None of these so-called intellectuals have come forward to condemn the brutal massacre of 151 innocent railway passengers in Gyaneshwari Express on 28-05-2010 and maiming of hundreds by Maoist butchers, rapists and plunderers. Instead, some of them even still try to defend the killers on this or that pretext even after the Maoist involvement in the massacre has been proved beyond doubt.

It is really unexpected that these insane intellectuals could stoop so low.


No. Name of the victim, Address of the victim, Date of murder

1. Ramjan Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 23-01-01
2. Tapan Ghosh, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 08-04-01
3. Shibaram Satpathi, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-04-01
4. Sudhir Singh Sardar, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 28-11-01
5. Anil Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 04-02-02
6. Rampada Majhi, Ranibandh, Bankura, 11-02-02
7. Puntibala Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
8. Icchhamati Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
9. Priyanka Mahato (4yrs), Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
10. Ajit Ghosh, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 09-07-02
11. Baridbaran Mondal, Banspahari, Medinipur (W) 21-10-03
12. Asit Santra, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 02-03-04
13. Mahendra Mahato, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-07-05
14. Raghunath Murmu, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
15. Bablu Mudi, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
16. Rabindranath Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
17. Golap Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 24-04-03
18. Anandamayi Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
19. Kartik Singh, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 04-03-06
20. Gatilal Tudu, Barikul, Bankura, 04-03-06
21. Gumai Murmu, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
22. Jaladhar Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
23. Rabi Das, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 14-06-06
24. Snehashis Das, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 26-05-06
25. Uttam Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
26. Swapan Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
27. Anil Mahato, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-06
28. Dinesh Baske, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-06
29. Sankar Samanta, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 07-01-07
30. Pailaram Tudu, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 09-01-07
31. Sunita Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 09-02-07
32. Jamini Mandal (Das) , Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 10-03-07
33. Rampada Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
34. Parikshit Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
35. Mantu Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 04-04-07
36. Dilip Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 29-04-07
37. Mohiroah Karan, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 29-04-07
38. Ram Kamila, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 05-05-07
39. Sunita Jana, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 07-05-07
40. Rasmoni Das, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 08-05-07
41. Manik Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 27-05-07
42. Mahadeb Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 24-6-07
43. Harekrishna Chiti, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 04-07-07
44. Rohit Roy, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 10-07-07
45. Bapan Patra, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 29-07-07
46. Arun Das, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 04-08-07
47. Manas Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 08-10-07
48. Mohan Mandal, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 08-10-07
49. Mir Khurshed, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 26-10-07
50. Gostha Das, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 27-10-07
51. Sunil Bar, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 27-10-07
52. Bachan Garudas, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 27-10-07
53. Srimanta Das, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 30-10-07
54. Gourhari Laya Das, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 01-11-07
55. Gabinda Singh, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 01-11-07
56. Bhagirath Karmakar, Barabazar, Purulia, 01-11-07
57. Tapan Manna, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 03-11-07
58. Nirapada Ghanta, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 6-11-07
59. Tushar Shaw, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 06-11-07
60. Sankar Maiti, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 06-11-07
61. Chanchal Middya, Nandigram, W. Midnapur, 07-11-07
62. Sufal Mandi, Purulia, Purulia, 20-11-07
63. Govind Singh, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 06-12-07
64. Sisir Chatterjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 01-01-08
65. Pahalan Kumar, Balarampur, Purulia, 01-01-08
66. Ramprasad Mondal, Chapra, Nadia, 02-01-08
67. Mangal Mahato, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 15-02-08
68. Karam Chand Singh, Belpahari, 22-02-08
69. Subhash Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 29-02-08
70. Budhadeb Pathak, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 09-03-08
71. Mukul Tiwari, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
72. Jugol Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
73. Nabakumar Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
74. Kshetrapal Majhi, Arsha, Purulia, 19-04-08
75. Sridam Das, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 22-04-08
76. Ganapati Bhadra, Bandowan, Purulia, 04-05-08
77. Debraj Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 05-05-08
78. Biswanath Mandi, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 15-06-08
79. Niranjan Mondal, Nandigram, Medinipur (E), 06-08-08
80. Dulal Garu Das, Garupara, Medinipur (E), 07-08-08
81. Firoj Mondal, Chakdah, Nadia, 01-09-08
82. Satyanarayan Ganguli, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 05-09-08
83. Sunil Halsana, Chakdah, Nadia, 16-09-08
84. Mansoor Alam, Goalpokhar, Dinajpur (N), 17-09-08
85. Nandalal Mistri, Rajnagar, Birbhum, 22-09-08
86. Amar Ghugu, Patrasayar, Bankura, 04-10-08
87. Prodyut Maiti (Naru), Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 10-10-08
88. Mahidul Seikh, Harirampur, Dinajpur (S), 14-10-08
89. Alauddin Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 20-10-08
90. Kutub Mondal, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-10-08
91. Satyajit Mondal, Karanjora, Bankura, 22-10-08
92. Debi Prasad Singh, Ausgram, Burdwan, 24-10-08
93. Shankar Rauth, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 27-10-08
94. Indrajit Muda, Banspahari, Midnapur (W), 31-10-08
95. Seikh Sanai, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 04-11-08
96. Mrinal Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
97. Namita Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
98. Mazid Seikh, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 12-11-08
99. Panu Bouri, Patrasayar, Bankura, 14-11-08
100. Sheetkantha Mondal, Kandi, Murshidabad, 21-11-08
101. Mostaque Ahmad, Bolepur, Birbhum, 21-11-08
102. Qurban Seikh, Mayureswar, Birbhum, 11-12-08
103. Gaja Mohammad, Islampur, Dinajpur (N), 13-12-08
104. Uttam Roy, Jangipara, Hooghly, 16-12-08
105. Arshad Ali, Dalkhola, Dinajpur (N), 23-12-08
106. Dilip Manna, Purshura, Hooghly, 23-12-08
107. Dasrathi Ghosh, Bhatar, Burdwan, 12-01-09
108. Shamsur Alam Mallick, Indas, Bankura, 16-01-09
109. Motibur Rahaman, Kushmundi, Dinajpur (S), 26-01-09
110. Sujit Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
111. Sambhu Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
112. Nandalal Pal, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 01-02-09
113. Haradhan Majhi, Balarampur, Purulia, 03-02-09
114. Biswanath Digar, Ranibandh, Bankura, 08-02-09
115. Sujit Ponda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-02-09
116. Nurul Islam Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 22-02-09
117. Jharna Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
118. Sumana Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
119. Tapas Mondal, Naihati, 24, Parganas (N), 03-03-09
120. Saiyad Ali Bhuiyan, Jaipur, Bankura, 11-03-09
121. Subol Kajli, Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 14-03-09
122. Subodh Barik, Mugberia, Midnapur (E), 15-03-09
123. Ansar Ali, Gangarampur, Dinajpur (S), 17-03-09
124. Himadri Patra, Boga, Midnapur (E), 17-03-09
125. Gopal Mondal, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 18-03-09
126. Soharab Ali Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 18-03-09
127. Durga Deshwal, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
128. Santosh Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
129. Bijay Shaw, Titagarh, 24, Parganas (N), 18-03-09
130. Kanai Kumar, Arsha, Purulia, 28-03-09
131. Ganesh Das, Bhagwanpur, Midnapur (E), 28-03-09
132. Ashim Mondal, Bahulabheda, Midnapur (W), 10-04-09
133. Hambir Mandi, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
134. Shakti Sen, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
135. Gopinath Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 22-04-09
136. Baikunth Mahato, Supurdihgram, Purulia, 23-04-09
137. Bibhuti Singh Sardar, SD Gram, Purulia , 23-04-09
138. Bhaben Dig, Haripal, Hooghly, 27-04-09
139. Manowar Hossain Jamadar, Amta, Howrah, 07-05-09
140. Kashinath Mondal, Jangipur, Murshidabad, 07-05-09
141. Chandu Dolui, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
142. Seikh Saidul, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
143. Seikh Babua, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
144. Seikh Aksar, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
145. Abdullah Khan, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
146. Mahiuddin Khan, Tamluk, Midnapur (E), 10-05-09
147. Joynal Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 13-05-09
148. Manu Singh, Bandowan, Purulia, 15-05-09
149. Momtaj Seikh, Raninagar, Murshidabad, 16-05-09
150. Arvind Mondal, Chari Antapur, Maldah, 17-05-09
151. Bibek Barman, Goksadanga, Coochbihar, 19-05-09
152. Kartik Mohaladar, Ratua, Maldah, 22-05-09
153. Dinesh Mahato, Balarmpur, Purulia, 23-05-09
154. Manoranjan Naskar, Bishnpur, 24, Pgs. (S), 23-05-09
155. Santosh Barman, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 25-05-09
156. Bhondulal Munda, Jhalda, Purulia,, 25-05-09
157. Apurba Ghosh, Krishnanagar, Nadia, 28-05-09
158. Nuruddin Seikh, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 31-05-09
159. Sayantika Rakhit, BN Nagar, Midnapur (E), 01-06-09
160. Khalek Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 02-06-09
161. Dinesh Deb Singh, GR Pur, Dinajpur (S), 06-06-09
162. Govind Samanta, Panshkura, Midnapur (E), 06-06-09
163. Mamoni Kishku, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 06-06-09
164. Kinkar Dolui, Panchla, Howrah, 08-06-09
165. Salku Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 11-06-09
166. Sitabur Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-06-09
167. Ikramul Haque, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 12-06-09
168. Shankar Tudu, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
169. Asit Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
170. Naru Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
171. Prabir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
172. Keshab Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
173. Dhiraj Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
174. Sanjay Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
175. Pabitra Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
176. Debabrata Soren, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
177. Mohan Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
178. Tuntuni Jana, Amedabad, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
179. Falguni Mukherjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 15-06-09
180. Sunil Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
181. Tapan Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
182. Sanjay Pratihar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
183. Niladri Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
184. Anil Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
185. Abhijit Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
186. Badal Chandra Ahir, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
187. Sisir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
188. Dubraj Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
189. Dasarath Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
190. Chaitnya Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
191. Keshav Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (W), 19-06-09
192. Siraj Khan, Itaru, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-06-09
193. Ajay Rauth, Haldia, Midnapur (E), 21-06-09
194. Budheswar Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
195. Pranesh Ghosh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
196. Naba Kumar Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
197. Kishore Tiwari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
198. Jugol Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
199. Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
200. Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
201. Pinki Khatun (8 yrs), Domkol, Murshidabad, 09-07-09
202. Barendranath Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W 10-07-09
203. Gurucharan Mahato, Lalgarh, West Dinajpur, 11-07-09
204. Abijit Mondal (11 years), Uluberia, Howrah, 13-07-09
205. Swapan Deb Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
206. Tarani Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
207. Gangadhar Mahato, Barabazar, Purulia, 15-07-09
208. Jaladhar Mahato, Jhargam, Purulia, 18-07-09
209. Ashok Ghosh, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-07-09
210. Fagu Baske, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 22-07-09
211. Arghya Samanta, Raina, Burdwan, 27-07-09
212. Ananda Das, Rajganj, Jalpaiguri, 28-07-09
213. Sagar Masant, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 30-07-09
214. Ashok Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
215. Brahmodeo Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
216. Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
217. Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
218. Nirmal Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 02-08-09
219. Gurucharan Tudu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 03-08-09
220. Shankar D. Adhikari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
221. Gunadhar Singh, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
222. Shaktipada Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
223. Ashim Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
224. Budhu Hansda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
225. Ramkrishna Duley, Sarenga, Bankura, 15-08-09
226. Madar Ali Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 17-08-09
227. Samrendranath Konai, Madgram, Birbhum, 18-08-09
228. Anirul Islam, Rajarhat, 24, Parganas (N), 23-08-09
229. Mangal Soren, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 29-08-09
230. Laxmikanta Kumar, Sindurpur, Purulia, 29-08-09
231. Madan Mondal, Garulia, North 24, Parganas, 29-08-09
232. Bharat Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 30-08-09
233. Sukhdeo Mahato, Bhramarmara, Midnapur (W), 31-08-09
234. Debi Prasad Hansda, Balarampur, Purulia, 31-08-09
235. Abu Ali Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
236. Hashem Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
237. Mirazul Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
238. Azmat Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
239. Ketabul Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 04-09-09
240. Apu Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
241. Rajib Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
242. Satish Singh Sardar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
243. Sasanka Sekhar Roy, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
244. Shyam Chalak, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 07-09-09
245. Ramdas Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
246. Baneswar Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
247. Abhiram Das, Nanur, Birbhum, 08-09-09
248. Krishna Kundu, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-09-09
249. Bakul Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-09-09
250. Ramen Ghosh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 12-09-09
251. Seikh Nazrul, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
252. Kartik Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
253. Sambhu Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
254. Ajoy Patra, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 16-09-09
255. Dilip Dhara, Jadavpur, Kolkata, 17-09-09
256. Zikaria Seikh, Baryan, Murshidabad, 20-09-09
257. Manik Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
258. Budheswar Mandi, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 20-09-09
259. Bagan Mandi, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 20-09-09
260. Nimai Bisui, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 24-09-09
261. Samir Singha Mahapatra, Midnapur (W), 24-09-09
262. Rafique Molla, Patharpratima, 24, Parganas (S), 25-09-09
263. Susanta Dhara, Ausgram, Burdwan, 27-09-09
264. Radhanath Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 30-09-09
265. Anadi Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 30-09-09
266. Bhakti Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 30-09-09
267. Barun Pratihar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 01-10-09
268. Amalendu Patra, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 02-10-09
269. Panchanan Tudu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 02-10-09
270. Lakhman Sarkar, Ausgram, Burdwan, 05-10-09
271. Sasadhar Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 08-10-09
272. Seikh Hashibul, Khanakul, Hooghly, 09-10-09
273. Kanai Murmu, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 13-10-09
274. Mantu Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
275. Ratan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
276. Shital Hembram, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 19-10-09
277. Dibakar Bhattacharjee, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
278. Swapan Roy, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
279. Basanta Pakhira, Khanakul, Hooghly, 24-10-09
280. Pratap Nayek, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 26-10-09
281. Jayfal Mondal, Suti, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
282. Dhajen Mondal, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
283. Tapan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 29-10-09
284. Dilip Mahato, Belpahari, W Midnapur, 29-10-09
285. Tushar Ghosh, Bongaon, N. 24 Parganas, 31-10-09
286. Madhab Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-10-09
287. Anil Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 01-11-09
288. Saifunissa Bibi, Khanakul, Hooghly, 04-11-09
289. Joyram Hansda, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
290. Manoranjan Mahali, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
291. Lakshmi Das, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
292. Naba Kumar Singh, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
293. Naresh Thapa, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
294. Binod Tamang, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
295. Bhaktabahadur Limbu, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
296. D. Viswakarma, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
297. Ishaq Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 11-11-2009
298. Sashticharan Dutta, Belpahari, W.Midnapore, 15-11-2009
299. Ajit Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
300. Khudiram Mudi, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
301. Totan Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
302. Samiran Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
303. Jaganath Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
304. Bhanguram Hansda, Kotwali, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
305. Tapan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
306. Ashok Kotal, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
307. Madan Ghosh, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 24-11-2009
308. Subimal Mali, Arsha, Purulia, 26-11-2009
309. Srikanta Banerjee, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
310. Alok Mondal, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 27-11-2009
311. Karuna Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 27-11-2009
312. Braja Bikash Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 27-11-2009
313. Bomkesh Giri, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 27-11-2009
314. Rassel Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 28-11-2009
315. Dhanapati Murmu, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 28-11-2009
316. Manowara Bibi, Bishnpur, 24, Parganas (S), 02-12-09
317. Animesh Mitra, Bongaon, 24, Parganas (N), 02-12-09
318. Nimai Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
319. Koni Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
320. Ramchandra Lay, Arsha, Purulia, 04-12-09
321. Bholanath Khutia, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
322. Gurupada Mondal, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
323. Sanatan Pratihar, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 06-12-2009
324. Subol Mahato, Belpahari, West Midnapur, 08-12-2009
325. Asit Mondal, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-12-2009
326. Brahspati Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
327. Manik Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
328. Bijoy Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
329. Robi Mahato, Shalboni, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
330. Panchanan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
331. Tilak Tudu, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
332. Dinabandhu Soren, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 12-12-09
333. Akshay Mondqal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 17-12-09
334. Anil Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
335. Dayal Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
336. Amal Patra, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
337. Shridam Hembram, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
338. Nishikanta Bera, Midnapur Sadar, E. Midnapur, 18-12-09
339. Sisir Jana, Dharampur, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
340. Gopal Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
341. Khagen Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
342. Mossaraf Khan. Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 20-12-09
343. Sadhan Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 22-12-09
344. Jiarul Haque Molla, Bhangad, 24, Pgs (S), 22-12-09
345. Sadek Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
346. Sariful Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
347. Prabir Dandapat, Gopiballavpur, W. Midnapur, 23-12-0
348. Hablu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
349. Sadhan Mahato, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
350. Biswanath Murmu, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 24-12-09
351. Rameswar Murmu, Ranibandh, Bankura, 26-12-09
352. Abdul Hai, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 28-12-09
353. Kalipada Hembram, Ranibandh, Bankura, 30-12-09
354. Anand Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
355. Kunaram Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
356. Bhagbat Singh, Nayagram, W. Midnapur, 01-01-10
357. Rabindra Mondal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 01-01-10
358. Anath Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
359. Hiteswar Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
360. Jhantu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
361. Hekim Munda, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
362. Bapi Bakli, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
363. Panchanan Mondal, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 04-01-10
364. Haren Baske, Ranibandh, Purulia, 07-01-10
365. Sk. Manjur Ali, Jungalmahal, 08-01-10 (*)
366. Nirmal Nayek, Jungalmahal, 08-01-10 (*)
367. Dhonu Rajaki, Bandowan, Purulia, 10-01-10
368. Biswanath Dutta, Simlapol, Bankura, 10-01-10
369. Dinesh Haldar, Canning, 24, Parganas, 11-01-10
370. Biswanath Gayen, Canning, 24, Parganas, 11-01-10
371. Khayrul Jamadar, Canning, 24, Parganas, 11-01-10
372. Selim Jamdadar, Canning, 24, Parganas, 11-01-10
373. Gobinda Pradhan, Mathurapur, 24, Parganas, 13-01-10
374. Uttam Banik, Palta, North 24, Parganas, 15-01-10
375. Tarashankar Sarkar, Khanpur, S. Dinajpur, 15-01-10
376. Lina Khatoon (12 Yrs), Islampur, N. Dinajpur, 16-01-10
377. Dipanwita Jana, Nandigram, E. Midnapur, 22-01-10
378. Mahadeb Bouri, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 22-01-10
379. Pratham Bouri, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 22-01-10
380. Robi Das, Kalyani, Nadia, 24-01-10
381. Guhiram Singh, Nayagram, W. Midnapur, 25-01-10
382. Bechuram Adak, Tarakeswar, Hooghly, 25-01-10
383. Sanjay Ghosh, Barikul, Bankura, 26-01-10
384. Ranjit Hembram, Sarenga, Bankura, 27-01-10
385. Jaganath Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 30-01-10
386. Fazlool Karim, Suri, Birbhum, 30-01-10
387. Jamal Seikh, Suri, Birbhum, 30-01-10
388. Fagu Seikh, Suri, Birbhum, 30-01-10
389. Atul Singh Sardar, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 01-02-10
390. Khuran Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 04-02-10
391. Basudeb Das, Khairasole, Birbhum, 04-02-10
392. Baren Singh, Belpahari, W. Dinajpur, 11-02-10
393. Saidul Mallick, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 12-02-10
394. Kalo Seikh, Nanoor, Birbhum, 14-02-10
395. Basudeb Mete, Nanoor, Birbhum, 14-02-10
396. Ajoy Thapa, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
397. Gogan Pradhan, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
398. Bihan Kachari, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
399. Prem Singh Bhutia, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
400. Mikmar Tamang, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
401. Arun Singh Thakuri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
402. Surya Bahadur Thapa, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
403. Jivan Chetri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
404. Banin Chandra Dhimari, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
405. Arindra Kumar Rava, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
406. Kanteswar Basumatari, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
407. Monal Chetri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
408. Suresh Rai, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
409. Nimte Sherpa, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
410. Pradip Pradhan, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
411. Madhukar Subba, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
412. Shanti Kumar Rai, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
413. Dambar Bahadur Chetri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
414. Chandra Chetri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
415. Gopal Krishna Chetri, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
416. Biman Rai, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
417. Doulat Rai, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
418. Premtosh Lepcha, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
419. Ram Bahadur Thapa, Shilda, W. Midnapur, 15-02-10
420. Nakul Singh, Bandowan, Purulia, 18-02-10
421. Baneswar Singh, Bandowan, Purulia, 18-02-10
422. Karani Mahato, Bandowan, Purulia, 18-02-10
423. Robi Lochan Mitra, Sarenga, Bankura, 25-02-10
424. Biswanath Mondal, Balarampur, Purulia, 01-03-10
425. Kalu Das, Gopiballavpur, W Midnapur, 03-03-10
426. Swapan Mondal, Belpahari, W Midnapur, 04-03-10
427. Fagu Seikh, Manikchak, Malda, 05-03-10
428. Chandan Singh, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 08-03-10
429. Shib Shankar Das, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 08-03-10
430. Binod Singh, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 08-03-10
431. Shankar Singh, Panskura, E Midnapur, 10-03-10
432. Bhim Chandra Dhara, Srirampur, Hooghly, 11-03-10
433. Manoj Hembram, Lalgarh, W Midnapur, 15-03-10
434. Tapan Dalui, Lalgarh, W Midnapur, 17-03-10
435. Prabhat Mondal, Manikchak, Malda, 21-03-10
436. H. Pradhan, Sankrail, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 23-03-10
437. Basir Khan, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 24-03-10
438. Ajoy Dey, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 24-03-10
439. Shibaprasad Mondal, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 24-03-10
440. Rabi Singh Muda, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 24-03-10
441. Tilak Barui,Bangaon, North 24 Pgs, 31-03-10
442. Partha Biswas, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 04-04-10
443. Md Islam, Titagarh, 24, Parganas (N), 04-04-10
444. Swapan Singh Sardar, Ranibandh, Bankura, 06-04-10
445. Subrata Chowdhury, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 07-04-10
446. Koushik Dutta, Jhargram, Midnapur (W), 10-04-10
447. Paban Mahato, Jhargram, Midnapur (W), 10-04-10
448. Md Habibullah, Barasat, 24, Parganas (N), 13-04-10
449. Ranjit Mal, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 13-04-10
450. Goutam Mal, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 13-04-10
451. Jaladhar Bagdi, Patrasayer, Bankura, 14-04-10
452. Swapan Das, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 15-04-10
453. Nantu Seikh, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 16-04-10
454. Dilip Mirdha, Rajnagar, Birbhum, 19-04-10
455. Sailen Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 20-04-10
456. Noor Ali, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 21-04-10
457. Madhu Khan, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 21-04-10
458. Ashok Singh, Nayagram, W Midnapur, 23-04-10
459. Parameswar Murmu, Ranibandh, Bankura, 25-04-10
460. Biswanth Mahato, Lalgarh, W Midnapur, 26-04-10
461. Nihar Mahato, Jhargram, W Midnapur, 28-04-10
462. Sishu Mahato, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 29-04-10
463. Haripada Mondal, Nabagram, Murshidabad, 29-04-10
464. Ranjit Mahato, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 29-04-10
465. Subodh Mondal, Shalboni, W Midnapur, 29-04-10
466. Santosh Das, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 02-05-10
467. Dayal Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 02-05-10
468. Ram Mandi, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 03-05-10
469. Panchanan Dutta Khan, Belpahari, 03-05-109
470. Shankar Pal, Binpur, W.Midnapur, 05-05-10
471. Haripada Singha, Binpur, W.Midnapur, 05-05-10
472. Bikash Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 05-05-10
473. Sudhangshu Maiti, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 08-05-10
474. Paresh Addi, Khejuri, E.Midnapur, 09-05-10
475. Purnendu Mondal, Khejuri, E.Midnapur, 10-05-10
476. Nazrul Meer, Belpahari, W.Midnapur, 14-05-10
477. Santosh Ahir, Belpahari, W.Midnapur, 14-05-10
478. Swapan Ahir, Belpahari, W.Midnapur, 14-05-10
479. Ashok Ahir, Belpahari, W.Midnapur, 14-05-10
480. Srikanta Mahato, Arsha, Purulia, 14-05-10
481. Uttam Das, Serampur, Hooghly, 15-05-10
482. Paltu Bag, Nayagram, W.Midnapur, 15-05-10
483. Bhaluk Sar, Nayagram, W.Midnapur, 15-05-10
484. Khokan Mondal, Nandigram, 15-05-10
485. B.L. Santra, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 19-05-10
486. D.Babu, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 19-05-10
487. Sawant Biswal, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 19-05-10
488. Rajesh Kumar, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 19-05-10
489. Bijoy Pr. Singh, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 19-05-10
490. Baneshwar Hazra, Ketugram, Burdwan, 20-05-10
491. Lakshmi Hazra, Ketugram, Burdwan, 20-05-10
492. Gurupada Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 20-05-10
493. Keval Ahir, Goaltore, W.Midnapur, 26-05-10
494. Sujit Molla, Goaltore, W.Midnapur, 26-05-10
495. Sripada Hansda, Bagmundi, Purulia, 26-05-10
496. Satruganh Ghosh, Nayagram, W.Midnapur, 27-05-10
497. Amulya Mondal, Balarampur, Purulia, 31-05-10
498. Gopal Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 31-05-10
499. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
500. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
501. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
502. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
503. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
504. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
505. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
506. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
507. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
508. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
509. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
510. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
511. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
512. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
513. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
514. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
515. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
516. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
517. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
518. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
519. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
520. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
521. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
522. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
523. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
524. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
525. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
526. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
527. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
528. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
529. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
530. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
531. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
532. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
533. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
534. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
535. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
536. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
537. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
538. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
539. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
540. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
541. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
542. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
543. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
544. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
545. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
546. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
547. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
548. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
549. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
550. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
551. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
552. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
553. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
554. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
555. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
556. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
557. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
558. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
559. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
560. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
561. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
562. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
563. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
564. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
565. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
566. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
567. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
568. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
569. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
570. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
571. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
572. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
573. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
574. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
575. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
576. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
577. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
578. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
579. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
580. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
581. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
582. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
583. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
584. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
585. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
586. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
587. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
588. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
589. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
590. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
591. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
592. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
593. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
594. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
595. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
596. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
597. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
598. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
599. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
600. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
601. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
602. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
603. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
604. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
605. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
606. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
607. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
608. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
609. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
610. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
611. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
612. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
613. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
614. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
615. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
616. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
617. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
618. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
619. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
620. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
621. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
622. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
623. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
624. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
625. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
626. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
627. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
628. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
629. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
630. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
631. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
632. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
633. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
634. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
635. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
636. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
637. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
638. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
639. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
640. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
641. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
642. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
643. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
644. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
645. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
646. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
647. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
648. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
649. Unknown, Gyaneshwari Express Sabotage, 28-05-10
650. Dhanu Sk., Lavpur, Birbhum, 4-06-10
651. Kutun Sk., Lavpur, Birbhum, 04-06-10
652. Turup Sk., Lavpur, Birbhum, 04-06-10
653. Abdul Hamid, Baryan, Murshidabad, 5-06-10
654. Bhadu Raut, Sadar Block, W.Midnapur, 5-6-10
655. Nirmal Singh, Raipur, Bankura, 5-6-10
656. Yakub Ali, Binpur, W.Midnapur, 8-6-10
657. Biswanath Pal, Binpur, W.Midnapur, 8-6-10
658. Nurul Islam, Barasat, 24, Pgs (N), 8-6-10
659. Bachan Malik, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 16-6-10
660. Asit Bag, Dasnagar, Howrah, 17-6-10
661. Thakurdas Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 19-6-10
662. Nilkhanta Mahato, Jhargram, W.Midnapur, 19-6-10
663. Asraful Sk., Suti, Murshidabad, 24-06-10
664. Loknath Malik, Tarakeswar, Hooghly, 24-6-10
665. Ranjit Dey, Goaltore, W.Midnapur, 24-6-10
666. Kamala Hembram (85 yrs), Barikul, Bankura, 25-6-10
667. Saraswati Hembram, (65 yrs), Barikul, Bankura, 25-6-10
668. Surjakanta Banerjee, Bagmundi, Purulia, 27-6-10
669. Santosh Giri, Lalgarh, W.Midnapur, 28-6-10
670. Ananda Das, Nanoor, 29-6-10
671. Fulchand Mahato (14 yrs), Belpahari, W.Midnapur, 29-6-10

Most of the Maoist victims are teachers, grocers, daily wage earners, farmers, government employees, police & soldiers, labourers, students, rickshaw pullers, hawkers and people belonging to other weaker sections of the society.It is also a fact that most of the victims belong to indigenous people comprising Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Muslims and other weaker sections of the society.Apart from this, 65 police personnel 1 doctor, 1 nurse, 4 government employees on duty were also killed by Maoists. There is no denying the fact that PUCL, APDR and other similar “so-called” human right organizations and some pseudo intellectuals have been fully supporting the Maoist ideology and brutalities on different pretexts to destabilize the country. Even they try to justify the brutal massacre of Indian Jawans by Maoists in Garchirouli, Dantewara, Shilda, Orissa and other places. In the parliament the so-called intellectuals and human right organisations have been very rightly termed as “OVER-GROUND FACES OF UNDER-GROUND MAOIST MOVEMENT

Under the circumstances, I would request you to kindly look into the matter seriously and ensure that this procession of deaths in India is stopped immediately in the interest of human rights of all irrespective of political affiliation, caste, creed and religion and a thorough enquiry should be held into the nexus between Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee and the Maoists.

Thanking you while awaiting prompt action.

Again with regards,

Yours faithfully,

Gouranga Chatterjee